Showing posts with label theocracy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label theocracy. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 29, 2026

A Temporary Alignment of Politics and Religion: The U.S. Senate Sanctions Russia after a Funeral

It is easy to point to instances in which elected government-officials stage political theater for effect, for in the domain of politics, perception has a political currency that can leave a real imprint almost as if the staged were actual rather than pretense. When the leader of one group takes over as Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives from a person of another partisan group, for example, it is customary for them for the mallet literally to be handed over. In the U.S. Senate, its president, who is also the Vice President of the U.S., may sit in the presider’s chair during a vote if a tie is expected; the Senate President can vote only to break a tie. A certain depth of political meaning can go along with the actual presider presiding. Sometimes, however, an arrangement can have a depth of meaning as well as carry actual political weight. The Senate’s vote on additional economic sanctions on Russia on July 28, 2026 is a case in point, for the synchronicity itself could have caused goose-bumps on exposed skin. Even so, even profound political meaning (and fulfilment) is a far shot from religious belief and experience. Distinguishing these is important in this case, for the day of the vote included a very relevant funeral at the National Cathedral that many senators no doubt attended, and could be expected to ponder their own mortality and what may lie beyond.

The vote took place just hours after the funeral of Sen. Graham of South Carolina; that he, along with Sen. Blumenthal of Connecticut, had been the main Senate negotiator on the underlying deal with the White House meant that the timing of the vote was no accident and could be expected to be felt emotionally by the senators voting in the affirmative. As if this alignment were not laden with enough political-emotional meaning for the senators, the sitting president of Ukraine was watching the vote in the Senate gallery in the chamber, and such a relevant and high-status presence is itself remarkable. Referring to Zelensky, Sen. Blumenthal remarked, “watching his face when he was in the gallery as we were voting was truly a moment of joy.”[1] The word truly may be overused by politicians, but in this case, it is easy to believe the senator that the presence of the president of Ukraine enabled the 86 senators voting in favor to feel even a profound sense of meaning in what they were doing for an invaded people and its government. That Sen. Graham had been the chief negotiator of the legislation and many of his colleagues had been at his funeral just hours earlier may have added a sense of multi-layered significant meaning to the vote. The life/death element added to a sense of profound political meaning in a political act may even intimate a religious element in the mix.

Senators with a heightened sense of religiosity may have wondered whether a deity had weaved together the day’s events, and even been behind the passage of the legislation itself. The late senator is in heaven, a senator may have believed, and is looking down on what we’re doing in the chamber during this vote, and perhaps he even feels vindicated in his “hawkish” defense stance because the sitting president of Ukraine is even sitting in the gallery watching the vote! Unlike political meaning and significance felt profoundly, however, religious meaning and significance are qualitatively different. This means they are different in kind, rather than just that they are felt more deeply. To say that the late senator was in heaven is at best a loaded, controversial question; to posit the late senator’s soul has made it to heaven, assuming there is such a thing as an afterlife, goes far beyond anything that we can know, at least while we are corporeal.

To be sure, it could be that very moving political and religious meanings that affect a person profoundly are the same psychologically, rather than the religious sensibility being felt closer to one’s core sense of one’s being. Even so, the nature of the phenomenology of religion—the domain of religion—is very different than what the world of politics is. The political domain is entirely within our realm, and thus potentially is entirely within the limits of human cognition, perception, and emotion. From the perspective of the religious domain, the world of politics is entirely within Creation, rather than transcending it. Religious belief and experience, however, are “open-ended” in that they are oriented to a reality, point (e.g., an entity, such as a deity) that is inherently beyond those limits that pertain to Creation. This is the main idea of the sixth-century Christian theologian, Pseudo-Dionysius.

For all that a senator’s sense of inner-fulfilment politically might be authentic, such as in casting a vote in favor of economic sanctions on Russia for invading Ukraine unprovoked and thus in violation of international law (and in intentionally bombing civilian housing, a war crime), the experience at Sen. Graham’s funeral that a senator may have had in viewing one’s life, and life itself, as relative, and thus perhaps in yearning for a sense of inner peace that is based beyond, is fundamentally different. A senator would not ponder the afterlife anything like how the prospects of a pending piece of legislation would be assessed. Even though legislative Whips can be quite good at forecasting votes, none of us has any idea what, if anything, lies in store for us after we die. It follows that attempts to base a political system on any religious belief, which of course transcends human cognition, perception, and emotion by definition, is fraught with difficulty, to say the least. Even if seemingly successful, the output, such as the doctrine of the divine right of kings, can be said to be dogmatic in the sense of being too arbitrary to warrant any claims of being known rather than just a matter of belief.  



1. Mary C. Jalonick, Kevin Freking, and Lisa Mascaro, “Senate Takes First Steps on Russian Sanctions as Zelenskyy Watches from Senate Gallery,” APnews.com, July 28, 2026.


Friday, January 9, 2026

Iran’s Theocracy: An Uneasy Fusion of Religion and Political Economy

As mass protests erupted in Iran during the second week of January, 2026, Iran’s theocracy was on edge. That the protests stemmed from the dire economic conditions facing the people amid staggering inflation, including on basic food staples, rather than from foreign affairs, raises the question of whether religious clergy, including the “supreme leader,” Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, are competent in making economic policy. Without the ongoing political pressure that can come from constituents in a representative democracy, or republic, it is no surprise that the protests in Iran quickly became mass riots. In other words, bad economic policy by religious clerics in power in an autocracy can easily result in popular protests abruptly erupting into rioting. The overreaching of functionaries based in the domain of religion into politics (including economic policy), such that the distinctiveness of the two domains is ignored or obfuscated, can be distinguished from the problems that go with autocracy.

On January 9, 2026, the theocracy signaled that the rioting would be dealt with severely. Iran’s judiciary chief, Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei, in assuming a non-judicial political role, “vowed that punishment for protesters ‘will be decisive, maximum and without any legal leniency.”[1] Separation of powers obviously did not exist in the Islamic regime. That both the internet and international calls were being blocked by the government signals that the protests could realistically result in the fall of the Islamic revolution in Iran. In other words, the severity of the government’s measures in shutting down communication can be read as indicative of a government whose days are numbered. In an interview, U.S. President Trump said that Iran’s dictator was already “looking to go someplace” because the situation on the streets was “getting very bad.”[2]

Demonstrating that expertise in theology does not extend to politics (as well as economics), Khamenei accused the rioters of “ruining their own streets . . . in order to please the president of the United States.”[3] Nothing was said about the hyperinflation that was putting even basic foodstuffs out of reach for an increasing number of people as the reason for the protests. Nothing was said about Crown Prince Reza Pahavi having called for the protests on January 8, 2025, and that the protests “included cries in support of the shah,” which can be distinguished from chants in favor of President Trump, which did not occur.[4] Pahavi was not calling for the United States to invade Iran. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s rhetoric was therefore very poor from a political standpoint (i.e., his statement was incorrect), and he did not address the reeling economy in any constructive way in terms of advocating economic reform that actually had a chance of working. Knowledge in theology does not carry over onto the domains of politics and economics, so the overreach is problematic.

This critique can be distinguished from one premised on the American separation of “church and state,” which actually could use some work in American jurisprudence because “In God We Trust” is printed on the currency. To be against a government establishing a religion (e.g., proclaiming a religion to be the official religion) is different than being against a religion superimposing its distinctive criteria onto a civic government because an over-reaching of the political domain into the religious domain is distinct from the religious domain overreaching into the political realm, even though both instantiate the conflation of two distinct domains of human experience. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei should have stuck to theology as a cleric rather than try to run a government, and his response to the economic protests—even that such protests morphed so quickly into riots—demonstrates the intractably problematic nature of overreaching from one domain onto another, qualitatively different, one as if the criteria and credentials of the former could and should supplant those of the latter in the latter.



1. Jon Gambrell, “Iran Supreme Leader Signals Upcoming Crackdown on Protesters ‘Ruining Their Own Streets’ for Trump,” APnews.com, January 9, 2026.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.

Saturday, March 16, 2019

Political Power and Jesus' Way: A Dictator Comes to Value the Kingdom of God

Religion and political power can be dangerous if combined and aimed at people deemed to be apostate or heretical. In calling for the Crusades, our Roman Catholic popes put their political power behind the theocratic and political goal of taking back Jerusalem “for Christ.” Those popes and the kings and soldiers who went to war with the Muslims there wittingly or unwittingly violated Jesus’s preachment to love rather than fight enemies. Christianity and political power have not mixed well, historically. The U.S. Constitution forbids the federal government and, presumably, the states, to establish or sponsor a religion or even favor one. Theocracies, such as those in the Calvinist colonies in New England (except for Rhode Island, which allowed freedom of religion), would be excluded as a political form for the Union as well as its member-states. Rather than meaning “sub-unit” or “province” as in Normandy in the E.U. state of France, the American Continental Congress has applied “state” in the generic sense of a polity with a yet-to-be-determined political system. Hence while the Articles of Confederation were in force, before the U.S. Constitution, the states could legally form theocracies. The film, The President (2014), is fictional, but this doesn’t stop its portrayal of a toppled president in hiding from looking realistic, given the cases of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya and Saddam Hussein in Iraq. The character arc of the president while he is in hiding, or “on the run,” captures a generally unknown way in which Jesus’ preaching on how to enter the unknown Kingdom of God can apply to political power in a good way. This is not to advocate theocracy, however. Rather, individuals who wield power, whether in government or business, can come to see the very nature of power differently and gain new insight into the Kingdom of God preached by Jesus.

The full essay is at "The President."