Showing posts with label politics in film. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics in film. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 14, 2025

Nationalism at Eurovision: A Lack of Vision

The inherent retentiveness of conservatism benefits a society because it need not “reinvent the wheel” in “starting from scratch,” as resort can be made to customs that have been efficacious. Unfortunately, conservatism can easily be in denial as to the need for adaptation to changes whether in geopolitical institutions or in culture. The advent of the European Union as a federal system of dual-sovereignty has been easy fodder for conservatism’s proclivity of denial with regard to very new things. Eurovision, too, was an invention beyond even the European Union, and thus also of the post-World-War-II history of integration meant in part as a check on the full-blown nationalism that had twice decimated Europe in the twentieth century. So it is problematic that the EBU, the organization behind the Eurovision Song Contest, has made so many category mistakes involving Europe in favor of nationalism.


The full essay is at "Nationalism at Eurovision."

Saturday, July 15, 2023

The Screen Actors Guild Strike: American Capitalism Is Inherently Unbalanced

On July 14, 2023, Hollywood actors joined the writers in going on strike against the studios, which had changed the business model in ways, according to the Screen Actors Guild (SAG), that were leaving the vast majority of actors out financially. At the time, AI (artificial intelligence) was the red-hot buzzword, promising unheard of advances but also baleful clouds on the horizon. The president of SAG sounded the alarm on not only the threat of AI given the studios' new business models predicated on ubiquitous streaming and digital technology, but also the more long-standing and ingrained American corporate system of Capitalism wherein upper managements get away with not sharing the surplus of corporate wealth due to an inherent or institutional conflict of interest. Indeed, Fran Drescher, the president of SAG, was not far from calling into question the taken-for-granted assumption in Capitalism that residual profits should go to stockholders exclusive. Questioning that default (as well as claiming that CEOs get to set their own compensation by controlling their respective boards of directors) would have made Drescher's announcement of a strike truly revolutionary. She was so close. 

Regarding AI, even Drescher's position can be perceived as short-sighted even though it was an improvement on the studios' new business model. The ability of studios to use the likenesses (images) of actors who have been bodily scanned (creepy) in one project for use as computer-generated “acting” in future movies in which the actors themselves are neither compensated nor participate was among the issues to be arbitrated in which the studios and SAG were far apart. To an actor, the loss of control over one’s image can complicate or even detract from one’s efforts to construct a public image. To be sure, not being paid for such extended likenesses being used was noxious to the actors even though no additional work on their part would be required. This just means, however, that royalties, or residuals, rather than pay for the use of the images would be appropriate, and thus fair. Furthermore, rather than being able to pressure actors on a project to agree to their respective likenesses being used in perpetuity, studios should be required to get permission for the specific uses (rather than a general permission) at the time of each future project. Actors would not feel that they might lose their existing work if they refuse to give a general permission in perpetuity. Even such an arrangement, incorporated into the studios' new business models, might not last long. A student of AI suggested to me that just as non-profit organizations have open-source libraries of written works, such organizations in the film industry might make available, royalty-free, images of volunteers that start-up film companies, students, and even Hollywood studios could use. Extras, or background actors, could conceivably be used only in shots in which mere images won't do. 

Of greater significance, SAG’s position extended to challenge a basic tenet of Capitalism itself. Were the strike a true inflection point, as Fran Drescher, the president of SAG claimed, the union had an opportunity to make the dogmatic, or arbitrary, tenet transparent if for no other reason that Drescher was aware and critical of the long-held assumption that had long before become embedded as a “necessary” plank in the economic system.

I contend that it is arbitrary to set the owners of a corporation as the receivers of the residual from the surplus of revenues over expenditures (i.e., profit), whereas banks and labor get only a fixed amount classified as expenses. All three groups can be thought of as providing inputs, or resources, that a management can use to make a profit. From this perspective, it seems arbitrary to say that only one of the group has a right to the residuals from the profits. The philosopher John Locke claimed that a person “mixing” one’s labor with land gives rise to a property right on said land. Centuries later, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that a maker of wedding web-sites could refuse to have same-sex couples as clients because she had expressed herself in her work. It seems rather obvious that screenwriters and actors are also in an expressive profession. In “mixing” their self-expressive labor in a film, writers and actors can be said to have an ownership interest in what is typically referred to as art. Painters, after all, sign their paintings. It is possible that the writers and actors of a film have more of a claim on the profits than do the studios. In depicting the strike as occurring at an “inflection point,” the president of SAG had the opportunity to make such a claim, thus challenging the monopoly on profits hitherto enjoyed by the owners of the studios.

In announcing the strike in 2023, Drescher called attention to the large gap in compensation between the CEO’s of the studios and 99% of the members of the SAG union who were struggling financially. To be sure, the inclusion of “extras,” or background non-speaking roles that are on a per-project pay basis, means that the 99 percent were not depending on acting as a full-time job. Even so, the astounding pay of “A-list” movie actors may give people outside of the industry the misimpression that acting constitutes a wealthy profession.

The impression left by films grossing hundreds of millions of dollars that studios are wealthy is more accurate. The studios plead poverty, the SAG president exclaimed in astonishment, and yet somehow they have the money to pay tens of millions of dollars to their CEOs. In fiscal 2022, for example, the CEO of Disney made $24 million just before the company laid off 7,000 employees.[1] Drescher could have added that Netflix co-CEOs earned $43.2 million and $39.3 million in 2020—when the company raised the monthly price of its subscription.[2] Doubtless the management claimed that the company had no choice but charge customers more. It is interesting that managements can so easily put their companies in convenient straightjackets.

The union president must have sensed an opportunity to challenge the greed of American CEOs more generally as evinced in the increasing inequality between their compensation and the average of their respective workforces. “High seven figures, eight figures, this is crazy money that they make,” she said.[3] Implying that a basic shift in wealth distribution between upper managements and workers was justified, she stated, “What’s happening to us is happening across all fields of labor. . . . When employers make Wall Street and greed their priority, and they forget about the essential contributors that make the machine run, we have a problem.”[4] A basic problem in the American system of Capitalism.

The ratio of CEO compensation to that of the average worker in the U.S. in 2020 was 299.[5] Just one year later, the ratio was nearly 400, according to Statista. Even as the coronavirus shuttered or hampered many businesses, which meant mass layoffs, CEOs made out well nonetheless. Some CEOs made a thousand times that of the average worker. The annual ratios in the E.U. were much lower than in the U.S. That CEOs of American corporations had typically reached complete control of their respective boards of directors, which are technically to function in part as a check on their managements, presents not only accountability issues more generally, but also a situation in which the CEOs can set their own compensation and that of their managerial cadres. At one major corporation in 2023, the stockholders voted to deny the management’s proposed compensation package. Astonishingly, the resolution was nonbinding and the board approved the package anyway. This points to the existence of a major structural flaw in corporate governance in the U.S.

In pointing to the greed of CEOs of American companies in general, Drescher expanded her union’s agenda beyond the immediate financial interest of the members. She was making a societal contribution in claiming that the huge disparity of wealth between managements and workers was by then so large that an inflection point had been reached wherein SAG would try to set an example for other unions to follow in objecting to the arbitrary feature of American Capitalism wherein CEOs do not have to share the surplus of corporate wealth. She could have gone a step further by taking the opportunity to question the underlying assumption that stockholders should get the residual of profits that are not retained or invested. Even though the business model of studios had changed due to AI, the greed of American CEOs and their ability to set their own compensation packages had existed for some time and was finally too much for workers to take. That is to say, it was time for an enduring yet arbitrary (rather than necessary) aspect of American Capitalism to be changed. The system had been broken for some time, and the advent of AI meant that the harm would soon become even more unbearable.


Saturday, March 16, 2019

Political Power and Jesus' Way: A Dictator Comes to Value the Kingdom of God

Religion and political power can be dangerous if combined and aimed at people deemed to be apostate or heretical. In calling for the Crusades, our Roman Catholic popes put their political power behind the theocratic and political goal of taking back Jerusalem “for Christ.” Those popes and the kings and soldiers who went to war with the Muslims there wittingly or unwittingly violated Jesus’s preachment to love rather than fight enemies. Christianity and political power have not mixed well, historically. The U.S. Constitution forbids the federal government and, presumably, the states, to establish or sponsor a religion or even favor one. Theocracies, such as those in the Calvinist colonies in New England (except for Rhode Island, which allowed freedom of religion), would be excluded as a political form for the Union as well as its member-states. Rather than meaning “sub-unit” or “province” as in Normandy in the E.U. state of France, the American Continental Congress has applied “state” in the generic sense of a polity with a yet-to-be-determined political system. Hence while the Articles of Confederation were in force, before the U.S. Constitution, the states could legally form theocracies. The film, The President (2014), is fictional, but this doesn’t stop its portrayal of a toppled president in hiding from looking realistic, given the cases of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya and Saddam Hussein in Iraq. The character arc of the president while he is in hiding, or “on the run,” captures a generally unknown way in which Jesus’ preaching on how to enter the unknown Kingdom of God can apply to political power in a good way. This is not to advocate theocracy, however. Rather, individuals who wield power, whether in government or business, can come to see the very nature of power differently and gain new insight into the Kingdom of God preached by Jesus.

The full essay is at "The President."


Saturday, December 13, 2014

Advise and Consent: Does Politics Have a Limit?

A film that centers on the U.S. Senate’s role in confirming executive nominations made by the president, Advise and Consent (1962) is arguably about whether moral limits pertain to power.  Put another way, should we expect no-hold barred efforts to manipulate others in the political arena? Personal lives and personal pasts being fair game?  Moreover, is the aim power for its own sake, or the manipulation of others for the sake of a public policy and ultimately the good of the country? 

The full essay is at “Advise and Consent.”