Friday, November 11, 2016

Getting an Election So Wrong: The American Media and Pollsters in 2016

“After projecting a relatively easy victory for Hillary Clinton with all the certainty of a calculus solution, news outlets like The New York Times, The Huffington Post and the major networks scrambled to provide candid answers.”[1] The dynamics likely went beyond even candid answers from the media, with major implications for how much reliance Americans should place on their media-establishment for political information.

“You were in a bubble and weren’t paying attention to your fellow Americans,” filmmaker Michael Moore wrote.[2] To be sure, “all the number-crunching of state polls pointed to resounding success” for Hillary Clinton in the Electoral College.[3] The journalists could simply insist that they were reporting those polls. “Virtually all the major vote forecasters, including Nate Silver’s FiveThirtyEight site, The New York Times Upshot and the Princeton Election Consortium, put [Hillary] Clinton’s chances of winning in the 70 to 99 percent range.”[4] Even so, Chris Wallace, an anchor at Fox News, make the following observation on election day. “A lot of media outlets made a decision sometime after the convention that Donald Trump was beyond the pale and they no longer had to observe the normal rules of journalism and objectivity.”[5] Clearly this was true of The Huffington Post, which declared Hillary Clinton “cleared” by the FBI on the Sunday before election day in spite of the fact that the agency was still investigating the Clinton Foundation, whose fundraising may have involved quid pro quos involving Hillary Clinton’s role as U.S. Secretary of State.

At the very least, groupthink was in the mix, meaning that the mainstream media was “on the same page” concerning assumptions regarding the upcoming election. Besides their being just plain wrong, their narrowness was such that society itself could hardly break free of the force of the narrative. Moreover, the narrowness suggests that the power of the American media was at the time too concentrated, such that alternative views, which can provide a check on groupthink, could not get through. In a representative democracy, a narrow conduit by which information is not only conveyed, but also interpreted and subject to ideology, represents a major flaw. Put another way, that the mainstream media outlets were all singing the same song suggests that societal debate on matters of public policy was also very likely too narrow, and subject to everybody being wrong in a major assumption.

Yet Wallace’s assumption that merely reporting the polls would be objective is vulnerable. Polls can only contribute so much. The “failed election predictions suggest that the rush to exploit data may have outstripped the ability to recognize its limits.”[6] Such limitations include “the potentially flawed assumptions of the people who build predictive models.”[7] Additionally, polling can offer only probabilities that cannot fully capture whether the motivation to vote will actualize at the proverbial ballot-box. For one thing, social desirability may spur poll respondents to say they will vote only because it is a societally recognized duty. Lastly, polls prior to an election cannot account for voters who change their decision at the time of voting.

So even the media’s common assumption that polls can and should receive such overwhelming emphasis was faulty, and the groupthink on this point left the electorate vulnerable to going to vote with a flawed understanding of how Americans had been reacting to the candidates. Just as political campaigns are not objective, journalists (and especially those who serve as commentators) are not merely conduits for facts. Given the subjectivity all around, a certain wideness of narrative (and assumptions) made more likely by a less concentrated mainstream media would enhance the American democracy.




[1] Jim Rutenberg, “News Outlets Wonder Where the Predictions Went Wrong,” The New York Times, November 9, 2016.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Steve Lohr and Natasha Singer, “How Data Failed Us in Calling an Election,” The New York Times, November 10, 2016.
[5] Jim Rutenberg, “News Outlets Wonder Where the Predictions Went Wrong,” The New York Times, November 9, 2016.
[6] Steve Lohr and Natasha Singer, “How Data Failed Us in Calling an Election,” The New York Times, November 10, 2016.
[7] Ibid.

Thursday, November 10, 2016

California and Britain: “Calexit” and “Brexit”?



Nearly six months after a majority of British voters voted to secede from the E.U., interest was building among Californians on the possibility of a “Calexit” from the U.S.[1] In fact, supporters were proposing a referendum to take place in 2019. Although the two exits would be comparable—two large states of empire-scale unions (California’s economy being larger than that of France, and California’s population being larger than that of Poland)—the reasons for a Brexit are more fundamental than those for a Calexit. As a result, the secession of Britain from the E.U. would have a firmer foundation in terms of political theory.


The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires.




[1] Eugene Scott, “Interest in #Calexit Growing after Donald Trump Victory,” CNN, November 10, 2016.


Sunday, November 6, 2016

Organizational Conflicts of Interest and National Interest: The Case of Hillary Clinton and the Clinton Foundation

Organizational lapses, such as in non-profits or companies, regarding institutional conflicts of interest can extend in impact as far as distorting or impairing government policy and national interest if a principal of the organization also holds a high government office. Relying on whether a position in such a dual-role has scruples of character against exploiting conflicts of interest is vulnerable because people differ substantially in character. As a result, I contend that even the appearance of such conflicts should not be permitted. I use the case of U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the Clinton Foundation to make my point.

In late 2011, “lawyers from Simpson, Thacher & Bartlett LLP, the firm contracted to run the internal Foundation audit, emailed a draft of a government memorandum and recommendations to Podesta, who was serving as a special advisor to the Foundation [and would be Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign manager], and Bruce Lindsey, then the Foundation’s CEO.”[1] The audit draft indicated that a conflict-of-interest policy had not been implemented. Conflicts were not disclosed in a timely fashion, and board members did not follow the policy when they became aware of conflicts of interest. “In addition, some interviewees reported conflicts of those raising funds or donors, some of whom may have an expectation of quid pro quo benefits in return for gifts,” according to the draft.[2] For example, a leaked email from Huma Abedin, Hillary Clinton’s Deputy Chief of Staff at the U.S. State Department indicates that Hillary Clinton arranged a $12 million donation from Moroccan King Mohammed VI to the Clinton Foundation in 2014 in return for the Clinton Global Initiative hosting its international meeting in Morocco.[3]

The broader question is whether Hillary Clinton exploited the conflict of interest between her discretion as Secretary of State—a public interest—and her private interest in the Clinton Foundation. After the government of Saudi Arabia had contributed at least $10 million to the Foundation and Boeing had contributed $900,000, Clinton cleared the sale to the Kingdom of $29 billion worth of advanced fighter jets, including Boeing’s F-15.[4] That Israel was warning the Obama Administration that the sale would destabilize the Middle East suggests that the United States’ national interest was not being served. Perhaps the question for a person in such a dual-role is precisely, what is being served?

When Hillary Clinton was serving as the Secretary of State, “the State Department approved $165 billion worth of commercial arms sales to 20 nations whose governments [had] given money to the Clinton Foundation.”[5] The Department “also authorized $151 billion of separate Pentagon-brokered deals for 16 of the countries that donated to the Clinton Foundation.”[6] Even if motive cannot be definitively ascribed, that the Secretary permitted the appearance of the conflict of interest may reflect an underlying problem of character, and perhaps even a general toleration societally of institutional conflicts of interest even at high levels. Clearly, the problem of conflicts of interest was not taken seriously within the Foundation. According to the audit memo, the lawyers found no evidence that the Foundation’s own written conflict-of-interest policy was enforced.[7] At the very least, this enabled the sort of conflict-of-interest that Hillary Clinton enabled the appearance of at the State Department.

Therefore, I contend that society should not allow even the appearance of institutional conflicts of interest. Of course, such a prohibition would itself require a societal sentiment of disapprobation regarding the institutional sort of conflict-of-interest, and, unfortunately, I suspect that at least as of November, 2016 too many Americans—even if for partisan reasons—were indifferent toward such conflicts of interest and the high-level people who have exploited them or at least have been fine with standing in the shadow of such conflicts.




[1] “Clinton Aide Says Foundation Paid for Chelsea’s Wedding, WikiLeaks Emails Show,” FoxNews.com, November 6, 2016.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Richard Pollock, “WIKILEAKS: Hillary Got $12 Million for Clinton Charity As Quid Pro Quo For Morocco Meeting,” The Daily Caller, October 20, 2016.
[4] David Sirota and Andrew Perez, “Clinton Foundation Donors Got Weapons Deals From Hillary Clinton’s State Department, International Business Times, May 26, 2015.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] “Clinton Aide Says Foundation Paid for Chelsea’s Wedding, WikiLeaks Emails Show,” FoxNews.com, November 6, 2016.