Saturday, January 11, 2025

GDP Per Capita in the E.U. and U.S.: Changing Perceptions

Historically speaking, the E.U. and U.S. are relatively large in territorial expanse and population, so it is only to be expected that significant economic (and cultural) differences exist from state to state in the respective unions of states. In Europe, some medieval kingdoms have relegated to being but regions in E.U. states. Holland, for instance, is a region in The Netherlands, which in turn is a E.U. state. The same can be said of Bavaria (and England, were the United Kingdom still a E.U. state). To compare the economic inequality in such a region with the inequality in the E.U. (or U.S.) over all would be deeply misleading. For example, rural/urban economic patterns that pertain to an economy containing one major city do not translate into the multiple rural/urban patterns that exist in a modern (empire-scale) union of states. In short, scale matters, especially in how we make use of mathematical averages.  Comparing GDP per capita is a case in point; states should be compared with states.

Although recent studies had suggested that upward mobility was higher in the E.U. than in the U.S., the GDP per capita in the latter was significantly more in the latter than the former. To be sure, the gap is less “when adjusted for purchasing power parity (PPP)—which accounts for cost-of-living differences.”[1] Also, comparing the E.U. and the U.S. misses out on the significant differences between states in each of the empire-scale unions; such differences in turn can be used to compare individual states in one union with individual states in the other.

It is difficult to believe that in “the third quarter of 2024, Mississippi’s GDP per capita was €49,780, just €1,524 less than Germany’s at €51,304.”[2] That the industrial base in the latter state greatly exceeded Mississippi’s industry makes the respective numbers all the more perplexing. Because the E.U. average GDP per capita was €40,060 as compared to the U.S. average of €80,023, a person might begin to wonder whether a false economic-equivalence has pervaded both the American and European general perspectives. Certainly geographically, Americans may be surprised how much smaller Europe is than North America (and, accordingly, the E.U. in relation to the U.S.).  The GDP per capita comparisons may thus be like superimposing geographic maps at the expense of previously-held perspectives and assumptions of equivalence.

This is not to say that every E.U. state was poorer than every U.S. state; Luxembourg’s €125,043 is more than New York’s €107,485.[3] Nevertheless, it is significant that the figures for Germany, France, Italy, and Spain are less than those of West Virginia, Arkansas, Alabama, and South Carolina—each of these being below the U.S. average. It would not be at all surprising to read that these figures are incorrect, but, then again, the generally-held false geographical equivalence that Americans and Europeans naturally hold concerning the E.U. relative to the U.S. may, as a phenomenon of a false assumption of equivalence, exist economically too.

Were I to attempt an explanation—not being an economist—I would want to look at whether the relatively higher tax rates in the E.U. discourage economic activity. I would also want to investigate the extent to which the shorter work-week in Europe may also be a factor in the relatively lower GDP per capita. Furthermore, the relatively generous social policies in many E.U. states may also discourage the long-term unemployed from filling job openings, thus reducing factory efficiency and output and lowering per capita averages. Lastly, I would want to know just how much the different PPPs decrease the gaps of GDP per capita. I suspect, however, that all of these possible factors operate only on the margins, rather than explaining the entirety of the differences, given the magnitudes of the differences. It may simply be that hoch Kultur and the higher population (urban) density in the E.U. carries with it the false assumption that the E.U. must be as economically productive per person as in the U.S.



1. Servet Yanatma, “How Do America’s Poorest States Compare to Europe’s Largest Economies,” Euronews.com, January 6, 2025.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.

Monday, January 6, 2025

Certifying a U.S. Presidential Election: A Constitutional Conflict of Interest

That it should go without saying that a constitution providing a government with its basic framework and procedures should not contain any conflicts of interest makes it all the more astonishing when an actual constitution is found to contain a obvious yet undetected conflict of interest that could be exploited by an institutional or officeholder and yet is easy to obviate, or fix. The implication in such a case is that a society can be too comfortable with institutional conflicts of interest without realizing that if such a conflict is exploitable, it is likely that it eventually will be even if not right away. Because U.S. President Don Trump’s pressure on his vice president, Mike Pence, on January 6, 2021 to refuse to certify the votes of the electors in some of the states did not result in any serious proposals to have another office than the vice presidency preside, a societal tolerance for even known conflicts of interests in general and in a constitution more particularly can be inferred. I submit that such a tacit willingness to continue with the status quo can eventually put even a republic itself at risk.

Speaking on January 6, 2024, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris referred to her constitutional duty of presiding in a joint-session of Congress tasked with certifying the election that she had lost as something she took very seriously. The American people should not have to worry about whether a vice president might exploit the presiding role by resisting or thwarting a peaceful transfer of power. “Today was obviously a very important day,” she said, “and it was about what should be the norm and what the American people should be able to take for granted, which is that one of the most important pillars of our democracy is that there will be a peaceful transfer of power.”[1] Such a transfer lies at the core of representative democracy, so it is important that any risk of any impediment, whether an opportunistic person outside of a constitution or something lying in a constitution itself, be minimized. It is not, in other words, a minor matter.

Simply tasking the loser of an election with presiding over the counting of votes and the announcement of the winner should give anyone pause. At the very least, no one should be duty-bound to perform such a function—which can be thought of as “rubbing one’s face” in the affair, which can feel humiliating to the person.

Furthermore, politically, whether a vice president is a candidate for president as Harris was or is pressured to do the partisan or personal bidding of a president as Pence had been, having a partisan office preside is itself problematic not only for the presidency itself in terms sheer credibility, but also for a vice president in terms of the election process itself. Simply put, the vice president who is running for president or for another term as vice president is an active player in the contest and thus should not preside over the tabulation and certification of the results. As simple as this is to grasp, it must be difficult for enough Americans that the problem has been allowed to persist.

This is especially damning because the conflict of interest is easy to remove. The chief justice, or any justice, of the U.S. Supreme Court would be a natural fit for the presiding role as the judiciary is not (supposed to be) partisan. Put another way, a sitting president pressuring the vice president to declare some state slates of electors invalid is more likely than pressuring the chief justice to do that same. Institutionally, given the separation of powers in the U.S. Government, reaching out to the chief justice would be much more difficult than trying to pressure a vice president of one’s own administration. Having the chief justice, who swears in presidents, preside over the Congressional counting of the Electoral College votes for president as both the sitting vice president and Speaker of the House look on makes so much sense that it is sad state of affairs when the status quo is almost mindlessly retained even four years after the conflict of interest could have been exploited, with a riotous mob of partisans literally breaching the Capitol to convey additional pressure.

Putting the loser of an election in the position of having to publicly announce the victor is the smoke that points to an underlying constitutional conflict of interest; a mob pressuring a loser on a presidential ticket to abuse the presiding role of the vice president is more like fire than smoke. That the ensuing public discourse did not contain a proposal of a constitutional amendment assigning the task to the chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court reflects very badly not only on the elected office-holders (and the media), but also on the American people, as it is government ultimately by the people. Perhaps a people gets the government, and constitution, that they deserve, for institutional conflicts of interest should be obviated whether in government, business, or in non-profit institutions.

Neither institutional relations nor processes should contain conflicts of interest that can be exploited because human nature is itself rather inclined to exploit them because of the instinctual urges that manifest as self-, office-, and institutional-interest even at the expense of the interest of the whole. Even though governments and economic systems tend to be based on such interests, the latter don’t have to be encouraged by the ongoing existence of institutional conflicts of interest. Continuing with the status quo can itself be thought of as a choice—one that reflects a certain underlying set of beliefs and assumptions that are valued, and even the extent of basic awareness.  Having seen not only smoke, but even fire, a people can indeed be faulted for having insufficient awareness, and this verdict is perhaps even more damning than that which concerns the naivete concerning human nature being able to withstand conflicts of interest without exploiting them in the long run. The sting of these verdicts hurts all the more when an institutional conflict of interest can be obviated relatively easily with a solution that is, or should be, obvious. Because power is that which is channeled in a political constitution, risking the exploitation of a conflict of interest that is in a constitution is not a smart choice if a viable, ongoing republic is desired.


1. Aditi Sangal, “Congress Certifies Trump’s 2024 Election Win,” CNN.com, January 6, 2025.