Showing posts with label manufacturing. Show all posts
Showing posts with label manufacturing. Show all posts

Thursday, June 7, 2018

The 2012 U.S.Trade Deficit: An Analysis

Coming in at 2.7% of GDP, the U.S. trade deficit fell to $107.5 billion in the third quarter of 2012—down 9 percent from the second quarter’s $118.1 billion, which was 3% of the economy at the time. The current account includes merchandise, services, and investment flows. The surpluses in services and investment were out-done by the deficit in merchandise to produce the overall trade deficit. According to the New York Times, the “improvement in the current account in the third quarter reflected a decline in the deficit on goods and a small increase in the surplus on services, led by a gain in foreign earnings made by financial services, insurance and professional services provided by companies in the United States. The surplus on investment earnings narrowed to $50.8 billion, down from $52.1 billion in the second quarter.” Most of the decline in the deficit on goods reflected a decline in the foreign oil bill, according to Paul Ashworth at Capital Economics.
Analysis:
Lest we get bogged down in the purportedly significant differences between 2.7% and 3.0%, $107.5 billion and $118.1 billion, and $50.8 billion and $52.1 billion, respectively, we might take note of the rather stark difference between goods on the one hand (i.e., sustained deficits) and services and investment (i.e., sustained surpluses). Although it was no doubt true that the economic slow-down in China and the debt/austerity-induced recession in the E.U. were reducing demand for American exports, a basic imbalance between exports of American-made and imports of foreign goods is clear from the numbers year after year. Indeed, in 2006 the current account deficit had reached a record $800.6 billion—suggesting that something fundamental was “out of whack.”
                                               This graph isolates the deficits in goods imported/exported.   source: thismatters.com 
The question may be whether Americans were importing too many foreign goods or were too uncompetitive in making goods. Regarding the former, being able to buy a relatively inexpensive television made in China is not in itself a bad thing, particularly to the consumer. The question is perhaps whether the price was artificially low, due for instance to a relative lack of environmental regulations, lower labor costs, or government/bank subsidies. However, even if due to these factors, a low price is undoubtedly welcome to any consumer.
Regarding American competitiveness, was it hampered by labor and environmental standards or simply by unmotivated workers and bad management? Whereas American consumers benefit from cheap imported products, no such benefit can be found in the U.S. to any sector from a relative inferiority in competitiveness.
There is, however, the argument that an “advanced” economy oriented to professional, business and financial services rather than manufacturing can enjoy a higher standard of living if the services are more premium than the goods would be. The pristine notion of the “knowledge economy” captures this point very well. That not all Americans are willing or even able to participate at this level suggests that the term could never completely cover an entire economy. Hence, it is necessary even in an “advanced,” or “high tech” and “professional,” economy to tackle the problem of competitiveness in manufacturing.  Does it come from high regulatory costs (which can be viewed as part of a demand by Americans for a certain “standard of living” writ large), a lack of product development, or an inefficient labor or management force?  Whereas wanting a decent wage-floor or environment as a condition of manufacturing has merit—the cost being that society may have to support people who would otherwise be working in manufacturing—a dearth of ingenuity, bad employee attitudes, and inept management have no such positive aspect.
I was born and raised in a medium-sized industrial city in the “rust belt.” Furniture was the first industry, following which machine tools were the dominant manufacture until competition from Europe took out most of the factories. Speaking a few years ago with a European who had been sent over to oversee a factory that had been taken over by a European company, I was not surprised when he admitted, “the workers here just are not good. They are not motivated and they don’t pick up on the training very good.” Years before that, I had watched a program on the American public broadcasting network about a man’s effort to prepare inner-city black people for job interviews. Midway through his talk, the man admitted to the folks attending, “from your attitude even here, I have to admit I can’t see how anyone would hire you, so I don’t see any reason to continue here.” The man ended the workshop at that point. Doubtless his decision prompted little if any self-criticism from the participants. A bad attitude is perhaps almost impossible to correct from the outside—even with the inducement of money!—given the nature of a bad attitude. Regarding people under thirty, perhaps a year or two at a military “boot-camp” might break down the attitude’s intransience and build up self-confidence and self-respect, not to mention basic civility. Absent such a strategy, perhaps the segment of the American population unwilling (or able) to become part of the “knowledge economy” is inevitably lost—not being able to compete even on a factory floor. The cost to the rest of society goes well beyond money.
While visiting Miami, I witnessed repeated incidents on the buses from the mainland to Miami Beach of black men shouting and even hitting each other, as well as bumping into (and even falling on!) tourists. The black drivers ignored the shouts (including a drunk black man loudly and repeatedly calling a pregnant white woman a “fucking bitch”) and even fist-fights. Even with tourists begging the drivers that the aggressive passenger be dismissed from the bus, the drivers just drove on. In two cases, the drivers asked the men being hit if they wanted to press charges. They replied that they did not, so rather than get the aggressor off the buses or call the police, the drivers simply started driving again. This happened twice in the last 24 hours of my visit!  Near the beginning of my visit, I myself was pushed against the open bus door of a bus at a rail station while I was attempting to board a bus because I had not allowed all of the black passengers to enter first. The black driver refused to call the police or even tell the aggressive black man who had squeezed me to leave the bus. The driver simply replied to me—as I was pinned to the open front-door—“no, I won’t call the police. You shouldn’t have gotten on then. That’s how it is here.” I should have called the police! I was so stunned at the violence and systemic cover-up that I simply wanted to get to my destination. Just after I took my seat, a nice older black woman asked me where I was from. I told her that I had grown up in Illinois. “It must be worse in Chicago,” she remarked. “No,” I countered, “it is worse here. The blacks there are better.” In spite of being the only white person on the bus, I went on. “Even with the blacks killing each other in south Chicago, the people are better there.” She asked if north Chicago was white and the south part black. “No, the north part of the city itself is integrated, while I think the south is black. I was referring to the north—the blacks there are much better than the ones here. Here—I can’t leave soon enough.” Silence . . . complete silence. It then occurred to me that the entire bus—which still had not left the tri-county rail station—had been listening to this white guy talk about blacks very directly.
As it happened, a month or so later I was in Chicago taking a bus when a black man tried to enter the bus by pushing three old white women in line in front of him. The driver, who was also black, saw the attempt and quickly said, “Hey, what do you think you are doing? Get back out of the bus and let those women on first. Who do you think you are?” Then the driver turned to us in the bus and remarked, “It’s all about him, isn’t it?” The offender must have been startled, for he merely replied, “But it is cold out.” The driver pointed out that it was cold for the women too. The three women ended up sitting near me, and I told them (and the front half of the bus) about what I had witnessed in Miami on the buses there—and that it really was better in Chicago and even warmer despite the cold—even in terms of people moving past each other in the isle. “In Miami, the driver would not have intervened and you all would have been pushed out of the way of the guy who was behind you in line. Even complaining to the driver would have had no effect, and the man would have gotten away with it—whereas here that attitude is an exception. It was therefore countered, or pushed back, and therefore not allowed to become the default.” I don’t know whether the driver heard my compliment.
While it is easy to point to the bad attitude of many of the black passengers in Miami, I contend that the incompetence and attitude of the bus drivers there were just as problematic, and my anecdote from a bus in Chicago demonstrates that the attitude need not be enabled rather than challenged. The fact that the drivers in Miami all reacted the virtually the same way suggests that the decadence is systemic there. Put another way, the rudeness and aggression had become the norm and thus could not be checked. Perhaps this is why the drivers simply ignored even the violence—though this is hardly a viable excuse.
In terms of passive aggression, I witnessed drivers of buses going between downtown and Miami Beach regularly and knowingly cram too many passengers (even tourists!) on the buses and then demand that the extra passengers (who had already paid) shout back into the bus for others to step back so the extras could “get behind the yellow line.” To allow passengers known to be beyond capacity on board and then put them in an impossible situation while refusing to take control of the bus by making an announcement for people standing to move back evinces not only incompetence, but also an almost-sadistic mindset. On several occasions, I saw order itself fall apart on buses there as frustrated passengers—even tourists!—openly challenged the unjust and incompetent drivers on this very point.
Leaving Miami, my overall conclusion was that that county should not be part of the United States of America because of the rudeness, aggression and even the break-down in order—all tacitly sanctioned by county managers and employees. The rudeness, by the way, was nearly everywhere, rather than just on buses. I could not imagine any of the aggressive passengers or enabling drivers lasting more than a few days working in a factory, and the bus company managers (who knew of the incidents, according to local passengers) were doubtless virtually unemployable in the private sector too.
In short, the serial merchandise trade-deficits may point to an America that even many Americans do not know exists. That is, the structural imbalance may reflect a decline in American society—both in terms of labor and management—that manifests in a significant number of Americans compromising manufacturing or even being virtually unemployable. Put another way, I suspect that the condition in the American factory was at least as of 2012 part of a much more serious problem wherein even the social contract itself was under threat, or at the very least the American empire was in decline.

Source:

The Associated Press, “US Shirks Trade Deficit As Oil Falls,” The New York Times, December 19, 2012.

Wednesday, January 25, 2017

Bringing Back Manufacturing Jobs to the U.S.A.: Confronting Tough Realities

Meeting with American corporate CEOs at the White House on the first “working day” of his presidency, Donald Trump warned, “A company that wants to fire all of its people in the United States and build some factory somewhere else, then thinks that product is going to just flow across the border into the United States . . . that’s just not going to happen.”[1] The new president was up against “tectonic forces” in trying to bring back “blue collar” manufacturing jobs to his base using tax policy. Yet the business calculus goes immediately on the basis of financial advantage, and the contours of the “game board” include the various tax and trade policies of countries.

Without an import tax of sufficient amount to render the cost savings of moving a factory abroad, CEOs will naturally succumb to the pressure “to increase earnings at a double-digit rate when the American economy is growing by only 2 percent, and the quickest way to deliver higher profits is by reducing labor costs, whether through automation or moving jobs to cheaper locales like Mexico or China.”[2] The push, in other words, is excessive. The cause, according to the New York Times, “is the drive for bigger returns on 401(k) accounts, pension plans and other retirement vehicles that depend on steadily rising corporate profits and, in turn, a buoyant stock market.”[3] Whereas a U.S. president has a term of four years in which to see his policies realized, no such time-span is permitted where quarterly earnings reports are all the rage. Simply put, CEOs must make sure their policies see results and quick. With many emerging-market economies, as well as China, growing at more than twice the rate of the U.S. at the time Trump took office, global—including American—capital takes flight.

It is not as though the CEO’s of American companies who move factories off-shore are unethical. Scott Paul of the Alliance for American Manufacturing, told the New York Times, “I believe a lot of the C.E.O.s in that room [with Trump] want to do the right thing and create jobs in America, but the realities of Wall Street Pressure and a globalized economy leads [those C.E.O.s] to off-shore a lot of these jobs.”[4] One way to align the patriotic value with the business calculus is to alter the “game board” in such a way that it would be cheaper for the companies to manufacture products geared for domestic sale domestically rather than abroad; products directed to the Chinese consumer could still be manufactured in China. The key lies in raising the tariff or tax high enough and in adequately enforcing it. 

To be sure, automation would still mean that a return to the manufacturing hay-days could not be expected. Herein lies a much more difficult challenge: what to do with the remaining blue-collar workers who are not oriented to moving to white-collar professions and yet cannot find jobs in manufacturing. Behind the legitimacy of a tax on American companies moving factories abroad is the hard truth that significant numbers of people in any geographical region are not going to fit into white-collar jobs, for a variety of reasons not limited to education and upbringing as well as values.


[1] Nelson D. Schwartz and Alan Rappeport, “Call to Create Jobs, or Else, Tests Trump’s Sway,” The New York Times, January 24, 2017.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.

Friday, December 2, 2016

Modern Day Mercantilism: Donald Trump Intervenes at Carrier


The tension between the free-market philosophy and mercantilism (e.g., an industrial policy) has been longstanding. I contend that the philosophy of international business (or international economics) is flawed terms of how far comparative advantage is applied, even at the expense of full employment at the city or country level. The case of Carrier in Indiana points to the legitimacy of government intervention even at the expense of comparative advantage.
A mix of ominous threats from Donald Trump as U.S. President-Elect, and enticing financial incentives worth $7 million from Indiana kept roughly 1000 out of 2000 jobs at Carrier, a unit of United Technologies, from being transferred to Mexico. The company had expected to save $65 million by relocating not only the fan coil manufacturing lines, which would still go, but also the lines that build medium- and high-efficiency gas furnaces, which would now stay in Indiana.[1] Carrier’s management must have factored in the likelihood of the upcoming Trump Administration and Republican Congress imposing steep tariffs on imports entering the United States from American companies that have moved production to other countries in order to take advantage of lower wages and comparatively lax regulations. In fact, Trump’s intervention with Carrier undoubtedly had the benefit of reminding other such company managements of the possible additional cost to manufacturing abroad and yet still having access to the huge American domestic market via importing (a tariff would make specific-company interventions unnecessary). So, the single-minded maximizing-profit calculus notwithstanding, we can understand why Carrier’s management agreed to take a bit—albeit just a bit—of a financial hit. “Every penny counts, but if we step back and I’m looking at earnings of $6.60 per share this year, 2 cents is an easy concession if the president-elect listens to some of the company’s bigger concerns,” noted Howard Rubel, a senior equity analyst at Jefferies.[2] The 2 cent per share reduction could in fact be offset (and more) by the possible redressing of such “bigger concerns,” especially if the company and its workers make politically strategic campaign contributions.
Unfortunately, pressures on company managements to focus on quarterly stock prices mean that assuming even a long-term profit-metric can be difficult. The allure of producing abroad and importing products back into the U.S. would likely continue; hence the rationale for a tariff. Lest it be feared that trade wars might be triggered, the companies subject to the tariff would be American rather than Chinese or European. Regarding the free-market alternative, the comparative-advantage philosophy of international business omits the practical need for manufacturing and low-skilled jobs in virtually any geographical area. Not everyone in a given population can be retrained to work in computer-tech industries, or educated to become CPAs, physicians, and lawyers. To say the U.S. (or E.U.) is a knowledge economy leaves a lot of people out—people who could be expected to be dependent on government benefits to live. Therefore, a mercantile government policy oriented to retaining a manufacturing sector makes sense for any government. The free-market logic applied to international economics is flawed because a sizable proportion of a country’s workforce cannot (or will not) be part of a “knowledge economy,” for instance. It also follows that not everyone is going to participate in a “manufacturing economy.” Geographically, economic diversity reflects the diverse makeup of the labor force. Put academically, the logic of international economics has its limits, or drawbacks, and so international political economy is a better, more realistic, approach.



[1] Nelson Schwartz, “Trump Sealed Carrier Deal with Mix of Threat and Incentives,” The New York Times, December 1, 2016.
[2] Ibid.

Sunday, January 3, 2016

On the Key Role of Energy in the Industrial Revolution

Reading from Peter Stearns' "The Industrial Revolution in World History," I'm intrigued with the twin elements of fossil fuels to power the machinery and organizational management to organize the production process, including the continued use of human energy/labor. I suppose Descartes' "mind-body" dualism is getting in the way of my understanding of the industrial revolution from the standpoint of the leap of energy and the related increase in complexity. 

Stearns contends that "the industrial revolution constituted one of those rare occasions in world history when the human species altered its framework of existence." This is a huge statement! Stearns suggests that "the only previous development comparable in terms of sheer magnitude was the Neolithic revolution--the conversion of hunting and gathering to agriculture as the basic form of production for survival." As a result of the industrial revolution, human beings use 100 times the energy necessary for survival. Such energy is necessary to maintain and establish increasingly complex technological devices and organizational/communications systems or networks. 

I get how the energy harnessed from coal represents a leap in the industrial revolution, but the boost in energy from "industrial-style organization [,which] involved more conscious management of workers toward a faster as well as a more fully coordinated work pace" does not seem to me to be the same kind of energy as is unleashed in a chemical reaction (e.g., burning coal).

Sterns emphasizes the "contrast with the more relaxed work styles characteristic of much preindustrial labor, including a good bit of slave labor." I can understand that workers working more means more energy (as I understand that term in physics), but the managerial coordination of work does not seem like "real energy" to me. I realize I'm wrong about this, but that energy just seems different to me--less real. Likewise, stuff like "redefined work discipline and specialization," [which] along with growth in the size of the work unit, defined the organizational core of the industrial revolution," seems to me like concentrating mental energy rather than more energy. Of course, increasing the size of a factory means more energy in a factory. But mental energy, as is involved in managerial coordination and increased self-discipline, seems different to me--more like the "energy" that is involved in thinking. 

I do realize that the brain's activity is indeed a draw on the body's total energy (including holding the brain up), but I suppose I have a bit of the Cartesian mind/body dualism going on here. My reading here of the industrial revolution is that it rivals the Neolithic revolution (hunter/gatherer to agriculture) in that the source of the energy changed from animals and humans to fossil fuels, which have a lot of stored energy from the sun. It is the tapping of that stored energy--being able to use much more of the sun's energy--that I believe is the key change in the industrial revolution; so when I look at the energy used in thinking, including managerial coordination and the self-discipline of labor, I don't see the especially great energy required since it is largely mental. In other words, I lean on coal (and then oil) as the energy-signature of the industrial revolution. 

Monday, July 20, 2015

A Planned Chinese Supercity Hinging on Technology

A Kansas-sized supercity of 82,000 square miles and 130 million people, with Beijing at the center, is in the vanguard of economic reform, Liu Gang said from Nankai University in mid-2015.[1] Six times the size of New York City’s metropolitan area, the planned regional economy would require nothing short of a feat of urban planning. The economic synergy anticipated from the planned integration is the main benefit. The sheer scale alone presents its own challenges, however, and the complexity in coordinating the various shifts of people and services suggests that unintended excesses and shortages will demand immediate action. Even so, I contend that the application of technology will make or break the viability of the anticipated supercity.

The economic diversity within the region gives economic integration tremendous potential. Lui Gang explains that the supercity, named Jing-Jin-Ji, “reflects the senior leadership’s views on the need for integration, innovation and environmental protection.”[2] The plan calls for regional integration of Beijing’s research facilities and creative culture with Tianjin’s port-city economy. “Beijing is to focus on culture and technology. Tianjin will become a research base for manufacturing.”[3] In other words, the links from university and industrial research to manufacturing are to be tightened. Hebei province is also included—the relatively cheap land being fertile ground for relieving the environmentally-hostile population density in Beijing.

The project relies on constructing a subway and a high-speed rail, and connecting 18 dead-end highways to link the major cities, including Beijing, Yanjiao, Handan, Xingtai, Tangshan, and Zhengijakou. With speeds of 150 to 185 miles per hour, 37 minutes will get a commuter from Tianjin to Beijing (and vice versa) by rail.[4] The geographical scope of the supercity, or urban region, consistent with tight economic integration can thus expand, much as military technology extended the reach and thus territory of early-modern European kings. The Chinese urban-policymakers were essentially pinning their hopes on the shift of practical integrative scope—in particular, that the technology will make the energy needed to transport people over so large an area worthwhile. The true cost may be an externality if the carbon emissions increase substantially as a result. Yet even in this respect, communications technology, such as the ability to hold meetings in virtual reality, may make it possible for the planned supercity to reap the benefits of the added economic integration without warming the planet appreciably more.



[1] Ian Johnson, “Pain and Hope as China Molds Its Capital into New Supercity,” The New York Times, July 20, 2015.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.

Friday, April 1, 2011

Government Employees and Manufacturing Jobs: Takers and Makers?

I contend that we need to expand our notion of “making” in the twenty-first century global economy. We also need to reduce our conception of “taking” when it comes to what government employees do and even in what the government does. Otherwise, even Steven Moore might be left with the unavoidable conclusion that the American corporations, even more so than the “welfare mothers,” are the “takers.”

In 2011, according to Stephen Moore, “there are nearly twice as many people working for the government (22.5 million) than in all of manufacturing (11.5 million). This is an almost exact reversal of the situation in 1960, when there were 15 million workers in manufacturing and 8.7 million collecting a paycheck from the government. . . . More Americans work for the government than work in construction, farming, fishing, forestry, manufacturing, mining and utilities combined. We have moved decisively from a nation of makers to a nation of takers.”[1] “Collecting a paycheck from the government” implies that people who work in government are somehow receiving an entitlement rather than compensation for their labor. Treating government employees, and, moreover, the receivers of government services, as “takers” reduces all the functions of government to welfare programs. Are the corporations in the private sector that receive defense contracts “takers” akin to the lazy “takers” that Stephen Moore has in mind in his opinion piece?  Is G.E. a “taker” in not having any tax due on 2010 earnings in the billions?  Presumably, the defense contractors and tax-minimizing companies benefitted from government-sponsored infrastructure, such as police protection and roads?  Furthermore, are citizens who benefit from security and transportation to be regarded as “takers”?  Are flyers “takers” when they rely on the FAA to keep flight control agents in control towers on the up and up?

Furthermore, Moore is ignoring non-governmental reasons for the reduction in factory jobs in the U.S. “Every state in America today except for two—Indiana and Wisconsin—has more government workers on the payroll than people manufacturing industrial goods. . . . Even Michigan, at one time the auto capital of the world, and Pennsylvania, once the steel capital, have more government bureaucrats than people making things.”[2] However, even though government payrolls have expanded as we have asked for more from our governments, such as in regulating banks too big to fail, the proliferation of capitalism in the world, such as via more foreign direct investment in developing countries (with the notable exception of Africa), has brought with it a spreading-out of manufacturing around the world.

Even so, the U.S. still has the most manufacturing jobs of any economy, but this does not mean we need not expand our skilled labor force in new fields such as computer technology. In focusing on manufacturing, Moore seems to reduce “making” to manufacturing.  Does not a CPA “make” something of value when investors and creditors rely on the certified financial statements of a company?  

1. Stephen Moore, "We've Become a Nation of Takers, Not Makers," The Wall Street Journal, April 1, 2011. 
2. Ibid.