Thursday, July 20, 2017

The Unenforceable E.U. as Poland Legislates to End its Judiciary’s Independence

With a state government rapidly moving on legislation that would end the independence of that state’s judiciary, the E.U. Commission announced that it would invoke Article 7 against that state. An independent judiciary is a staple of democratic governance, and is thus required of a state (as well as at the federal level, in regard to the independence of the European Court of Justice from the other branches of the federal government).  If invoked, Article 7 of the E.U.’s basic (i.e., constitutional) law would deprive the state of Poland of its voting rights at the federal level. The independence of state courts is that important in the E.U., and yet for the article to go into effect, the European Council’s vote, excepting Poland, must be unanimous. Already, the governor of the state of Hungary had made clear that he would vote against invoking the article—that state having its own constitutional troubles with the E.U. Commission and being friendly with Poland.  In other words, two conflicts of interest came into play immediately, even as the Polish legislature was still voting on the proposed judicial reform.

The legislation “would force all the [state’s] top judges to resign, except those [the party in power] appointed.” In fact, the government would have “control over who can even be considered for a judgeship.”[1]  In response, Frans Timmermans, first vice president of the European Commission, said the legislation “would seriously erode the independence of the Polish judiciary” and in fact “abolish any remaining judicial independence and put the judiciary under full political control of the government.”[2] Such a condition would violate the basic principles of the European Union, which, like the United States, requires every state to have the republic form of government, which includes an independent judiciary to protect citizens from governmental tyranny at the expense of liberty.

Whereas it is easy to criticize the Polish legislature for its proposal to upend a vital element of a republic, the E.U. itself was culpable too. Specifically, to require that every state except the offending state agree before Article 7 can be enforced even on a matter as important as an independent judiciary in a state—in making it so difficult—the E.U. willfully makes itself vulnerable to its own defeat from a democratic standpoint. Common sense alone would say that very serious violations should not be subject to extremely high hurdles. Lest it be argued that unanimity can be expected if a violation is truly very serious, the Hungarian governor’s willingness to exploit conflicts of interest suggests that it is pure folly to pretend that alliances do not exist between states in a federal union. 

In general, such a union that permits itself to be hamstrung in enforcing its basic law is charity case befitting Nietzsche’s conception of weakness by abnegation. In other words, the E.U. looks pathetic in subjecting the enforcement of its basic law to such high hurdles that allow the exploitation of conflicts of interest to protect an unconstitutional state government. More generally, the self-inflicted wound in the federal enforcement powers—a wound stemming from still too much state sovereignty—blocks the check-and-balance benefit of federalism. In a healthy federal system, the federal level can provide a check on excesses on the state level, and vice versa. The “dual-sovereignty” in the system cannot be so unbalanced that one state can block federal enforcement against another state. If the E.U. state governments believe that the E.U.’s basic law is important to the Union in being able to function, let alone continue to exist, then those same governments should be willing to let go of unanimity in the enforcement of federal law. Put another way, the federal level should not have to rely so much on the state level—even one particular state—in being able to enforce federal basic law. Or is such law really not very important to the state government officials?




[1] Rick Lyman, “In Poland, an Assault on the Courts Provokes Outrage,” The New York Times, July 19, 2017.
[2] Ibid.