Friday, November 1, 2024

The E.U.’s Parliament and the U.S.’s House of Representatives in Dialogue

On November 1, 2024, “All Saints Day” in Roman Catholic Christianity, the E.U. announced that a peaceful delegation of the elected representatives of the EU’s Parliament would be travelling to Texas during the following week to “meet American counterparts,” which is to say, a delegation of the elected representatives of the US’s House of Representatives.[1] The key word here is counterparts, for the European Parliament is indeed of the same type of legislative body and at the same level in its federal system as is the American House of Representatives.

Both legislative chambers consist of elected representatives who are elected by E.U. and U.S. citizens. Although the respective states are divided into districts, the representatives do not represent the state governments or the states themselves. Just because the state governments map out the districts does not mean that the elected representatives to the federal chamber represent the states. In fact, every party in the Parliament and the House consists of representatives from more than one state. To insist that political parties exist only on the state level, whereas only blocs or nebulous groups exist at the federal level is ideological nonsense geared to “States’ Rights advocates” in the United States and “Euroskeptics” in the European Union. It is significant that members of the European People’s Party in the E.U. Parliament sit together, and the party has members from various states, who, as stated above, do not represent their respective states, but, rather, the E.U. citizens in federal legislative districts. The same is true in the case of the U.S. House.

So it is fitting that a delegation of the members of the E.U.’s Parliament would meet with members of the U.S.’s House. “The inter-parliamentary meeting is usually an opportunity for lawmakers from both sides of the Atlantic to exchange views of their legislative agenda and priorities.”[2] The parity implied here is correct, and thus obviates any ideological claim that a state in one union is equivalent, or on the same political-system level as the other union. In terms of geography alone, Texas and France, and Montana and Germany, are both cases equivalencies. Similar equivalencies pertain to Arizona and California, and Italy and Spain, respectively. In terms of population, whereas many of the respective states of the two unions are in the tens of millions, both unions are in the hundreds of millions. The two clusters evince the qualitative (i.e., a jump, rather than an incremental change) as well as a quantitative difference between the respective state and federal levels.

The E.U’s delegation was set to be chaired by MEP Brando Benifei of the Socialists & Democrats party and the U.S.’s delegation was to be chaired by Rep. Nathaniel Moran of the Republican Party. That the possibility of a U.S. tariff on goods imported from the E.U. was on the agenda, and the E.U.’s executive branch, the Commission, has exclusive authority, or competency, on commercial law in the E.U. does not mean that only economic issues would be discussed, as if the E.U. were a “trading bloc.” The three pillars, or enumerated powers, of the E.U. extend beyond trade and even economics to include social policy and justice, including human rights, for example. The U.S. delegation could enquire of its counterpart whether the recent electoral fraud in the prospective E.U. state of Georgia (not the U.S. state of Georgia, even given the controversy in 2020!) adds to foreign-agents law in significantly reducing Georgia’s chances of gaining statehood. The E.U. delegation could in turn enquire as the viability of U.S. elections, given the accusations in 2020 from within the United States.

In short, both the E.U. and U.S. have federal systems in which governmental sovereignty is “dual,” which is to say that although the respective states have both stated and residual domains of authority, some of them was delegated to the federal institutions, which in both unions comprise governments rather than only multilateral international organizations. To be sure, an element of the latter has been retained in both unions; specifically in the U.S. Senate and the E.U. Council, both of whose members are polities (i.e., the states) rather than representatives of federal citizens. In fact, the citizens have E.U. and U.S. passports, respectively. In general, that the balance of governmental sovereignty is closer to the states in the E.U. than in the U.S. does not mean that the two unions are not both cases of modern (i.e., dual sovereignty) federalism, as distinct from confederalism, in which all of the sovereignty resides with the state governments. In 1603, Althusius distinguished between plena and non-plena federalism with this in mind even though he modeled his theory of federalism on the Holy Roman Empire. Federalism itself was originally confederal, and fit international alliances because the members differed even in terms of the type of government they had. The U.S., and then the E.U. en suite, mixed national and international elements in what is now called modern federalism to distinguish it from confederalism, which is still evinced in international alliances and organizations such as the United Nations.  To conflate either the E.U. or U.S. with such alliances and organizations is to commit a rather basic category mistake. Whether out of ignorance of ideological fervor, such a mistake prevents the two federal unions from looking at each other to gain insights so as to move towards more perfect unions.



1. Peggy Corlin, “MEPs Seek First Contact with Trump or Harris Regimes in Texas Next Week,” Euronews.com, November 1, 2024.
2. Ibid.