Saturday, February 24, 2018

Constricting Debate in the Public Square: The Case of Gun Control

The managements of large corporations attempt and, I submit, often succeed at keeping the most financially threatening alternatives in public policy off the public’s radar by pressuring media and using public relations campaigns. As U.S. president Obama’s health-insurance proposal was being debated in Congress, health insurance companies deftly either kept the single-payer proposal off the media’s discussion or relegated the policy as radical. This term, if stuck to a proposed policy, is the kiss of death in a society of incremental change. Such change, if the only game in town, can unfortunately come to be viewed as constituting major change. The gun-control debate in February, 2018 after the shooting of 17 people at a high school in Parkland, Florida is a case in point.
In step with the National Rifle Association, U.S. president Trump supported “efforts to strengthen the  federal background-check system for firearms.”[1] He also supported a ban on “bump stocks,” which enable a gun to shoot hundreds of rounds  per minute. Congress had considered such a ban, but could not in the end resist pressure from the NRA. So in terms of political viability, going beyond tightening background checks and banning bump stocks to ban the assault weapons themselves could easily be perceived as radical and thus a waste of time to include in the debate. Yet such a course ignores the possibility that the debate could render the infeasible, feasible. Moreover, restricting debate to the politically feasible gives the impression that at least some of the alternatives being considered are major rather than tertiary in nature. Banning bump stocks and tightening checks could seem like solutions rather than things that should have been done long before the shooting in Florida.
Putting the alternatives being considered as part of the debate in the media into perspective can be accomplished by including the stance of Al Hoffman, a prominent Republican donor. In the wake of  the  shooting, he had had enough. He demanded that the Republican Party, which at the time controlled the governments of Florida and the U.S., “pass legislation to restrict access to guns.” He “vowed not to contribute to any candidates or electioneering groups that did not support a ban on the sale of military-style firearms to civilians. ”[2] He was saying that his monetary support would go behind a ban on assault weapons.
With the debate restricted to background checks and bump stocks, Hoffman could be perceived as advocating something radical and politically infeasible. The artificially restricted debate ensured the continuance of such infeasibility as well as the perception of the ban being radical in nature rather than reasonable. It is no accident that the NRA’s management declared that a ban on assault weapons was not debatable. For the organization to have been able to keep such an option off the table and perceived societally as radical and infeasible suggests that the news media was not operating in the public interest. So too, I submit, does the media restrict or contort reporting and discussing matters of public policy relevant to corporations. Like the NRA, large companies can effectively steer public discourse on to less threatening alternatives as if they are central  rather than secondary in importance.



[1] July Bykowicz and Srobhan Hughes, “Trump Open to Tighter Gun Checks,” The Wall Street Journal, February 20, 2018.
[2] Alexander Burns, “”GOP Donor’s Ultimatum: Guns or Money,” The New York Times, February 18, 2018.