Wednesday, October 23, 2024

Strengthening the E.U.’s Border Competency: Implications for Federalism

In politics, it’s not a bad idea to consider the impact on the system of government in formulating, voting on, and enacting laws and regulations. It is not enough to make sure that relationships with political donors are not impaired. Nor, in a federal system, is it enough to look at the implications regarding either the state or the federal level. I contend that the implications for the federal system itself should be formally and informally considered.

In the context of the E.U.’s difficulty with securing its borders even after facing unprecedented migrants entering by boat or even walking in the early 2020s, it is understandable that representatives elected by E.U. citizens and sitting in the European Parliament would try to shore up a federal response, given that in the last quarter of 2024, some state officials took action at state borders in violation of E.U. law. Undercutting federal rule-of-law is a good way to trigger a collapse of a federal system, especially one that had only existed for decades rather than centuries.

On October 23, 2024, the European People’s Party joined the Patriots for Europe, the European Conservatives and Reformists, and the ESN parties in voting in favor of an amendment that goes as follows: “The European Parliament demands appropriate funding for external physical barriers at the Union border.”[1] In other words, the far-right parties wanted a wall at the border. Although the amendment passed with 329 of the elected representatives voting for it, the resolution to which the amendment was attached was later voted down. Victor Negrescu of the S&D party told reporters that a resolution is not necessary for the Parliament to be able to negotiation with the Council on what projects to fund. Tomas Tobé, vice chair of the European People’s Party, countered that because “it is our long-standing policy to advocate for E.U. funding for external border infrastructure,” it is “also in line with the position of the European Council: physical barriers are essential for securing the E.U.’s external borders and managing migration policy.”[2] At the very least, formally letting the Council know the will of the Parliament wouldn’t hurt.

It did hurt the coalition of parties that supported President Von der Leyen’s reelection as President of the E.U.’s executive branch, the Commission, for members of the Renew Europe party could have seen the European People’s Party as betraying the centrist governing coalition in the Parliament by joining the far-right parties there in support of building a wall. But such grumblings may have been overdone, as it was still very unlikely that the EPP would join with the parties on the right on much else, given the daylight between them and the EPP.

Moreover, the resolution served an overriding positive role in fortifying the E.U. itself in regard to its federal system. For it had been a failing policy at the federal level that had prompted more than one state government to exploit the “national emergency” loophole in the Schengen Agreement by patrolling state land-border crossings. In other words, showing signs that the federal government might finally competently secure the E.U.’s borders might get the state violators of Schengen to back off and follow rather than violate the Agreement. The E.U. had only existed for just over thirty years; its federal system was still fluid and thus vulnerable to punctures by state officials heeding popular pressure at home. From abroad, that looks like self-inflicted wounds within the European Union. To some officials of some of the states, most notably Hungary and Slovenia, the Commission may seem to be foreign, but this is not so in state-federal relations within a federal system. For such a system to be viable beyond the short term, the two systems of government—that at the union level and those at the state level—cannot be working against each other without even respecting each other’s laws.

Especially in a new federal system, government officials at both levels would be wise, if they want to continue to get the benefits from the combined power on the world stage, to consider the implications on the federal system itself from any policy proposal or vote. Even as of 2024, European integration politically and economically was not a foregone conclusion. Even though the E.U. had managed by fits and starts rather than in a linear line toward a more perfect union, the threat to the viability of E.U. law, including directives and regulations, was increasing in 2024.

State governments ignoring federal law is an existential threat to any union of states, which is politically distinct from a mere military alliance or trade “bloc,” such as BRICS. Willfully violating federal law could represent more than just a temporary slippage back before bouncing forward again, especially if a few such occurrences gain traction and thus become a de facto norm. Then the de jure federal system is really in trouble, with collapse being even imminent. The category mistake of viewing a federal system in which governmental sovereignty has been divided (i.e., “dual sovereignty”) as an alliance or even worse as a trading association, or “bloc,” can give rise to such destructive opportunistic violations of federal rules, directives, and regulations (i.e., federal law) because they are not viewed as real law. Similarly, the Euroskeptic ideological "word-game" wherein political parties at the federal level are merely "groups" subtly undermines the legitimacy of E.U. law and democracy at the federal level. 

Voting for stronger federal action at the federal borders may have had the effect of reassuring nervous state officials enough that they might return to supporting rather than violating the strictures that hold the Union together. At the time, it could hardly be said with confidence that the E.U. itself would continue as a going concern, so much long-term benefit could be gained by governmental officals at both levels asking themselves how their proposals and actions could impact the federal system itself. 



1. Vincenzo Genovese and Paula Soler, “EPP and Far Right MEPs Call to Build a Wall at the E.U. Border, Stoking Controversy,” Euronews.com, October 23, 2024.
2. Ibid.

Thursday, October 3, 2024

On the American Media’s Hyperbole in Politics

If America can be said to have violent cultures, relatively speaking and especially in countries such as Honduras but also in some U.S. states such as Illinois (e.g., Rockford and south Chicago), the media may simply be reflecting the wider culture in writing of political debates by using words like fight and battle in place of argue and debate. One effect is to exacerbate the problem, culturally speaking. Another effect is to garner more attention, which in turn translates into more revenue from selling advertisements. To the media, the latter counts whereas the former does not; the media can blame the “heated rhetoric” of candidates for office and elected officeholders for an uptick in political violence rather than assume some of the responsibility. I submit that journalists are even more at fault when they magnify the significance of a political event to the point of being mistaken, widely missing the actual mark. The lack of any follow-through in the field wherein one media outlet holds another accountable is also a problem, especially when all of the major outlets are on the proverbial bandwagon.

Before the Harris-Trump U.S. presidential debate in 2024, CNN stated, “Harris’ joyful campaign will Tuesday be hit by the blunt force of reality—a debate with Donald Trump—the most menacing political foe of modern times.”[1] Besides the word Tuesday being awkwardly placed before rather than just after the words, be hit, the journalist’s certainty, as evinced in will be instead of might be hit turned out to be wrong. After the debate, Newsweek titled one of its articles on the debate, “’Trump Was So Bad’: Fox News Voter Panel Declares Harris Debate Winner.”[2] Twelve on the panel thought Harris had won, whereas only five thought that Trump had done so. Time titled its debate analysis piece, “Trump Spent the Debate Walking into Traps Harris Laid for Him.”[3] It was Trump, rather than Harris, who refused after the debate to have another debate. That says it all.

So, where was the headline, “CNN Erred in Declaring Trump the Winner before the Debate”? Even with such a headline somewhere in the public discourse, CNN would probably not smart enough from the virtual slap to resist the temptation to be so certain epistemologically in the future, and I suspect that too many viewers or readers would not recalibrate how much credibility they give to definitive assertions made by CNN in the future. Similarly, too many people tend to believe politicians even with a reputation for being pathological liars as if speaking in front of a microphone and camera mean that the person speaking must be declaring truths.

In short, the refusal of the media companies to hold each other accountable when they get something very, very wrong plus the gullibility of people reading or viewing politicians in public discourse enable journalists (as well as the subterranean politicians) to make outlandish claims, including those that are actually the journalists’ opinions being “reported” as if facts of reason. To claim that Harris’s campaign will be hit is an opinion clothed in a stiff, grizzled suit of fact. Alternatively, the journalist could have interviewed a political analyst, who could have given an informed opinion. That would be reporting.

To be sure, debating who won a debate is of questionable importance, really. In fact, with few exceptions—one being the Biden-Trump debate in 2024 and another being the Kennedy-Nixon televised debate in 1960—winning a presidential debate typically has not had much impact on races. Costin Ciobanu, a political scientist at the University of London, presented a study in which he found “that presidential debates have a weak influence on vote choice . . . due to the importance of longer-term structural variables.”[4] The recession in 1991, for example, is generally recognized by political scientists as having a strong impact on George H.W. Bush’s loss. A debate may be momentarily titillating, but people tend to vote figuratively speaking with their pocketbooks or wallets.

Even so, The Huffington Post’s headline prior to the Harris-Trump debate was: “Tonight: As High Stakes As It Gets.” Politico characterized the debate beforehand as “historic.” That reporter, a national political correspondent, was so brazen that he admits that there is “hype” ahead of the debate, but even that does not keep him from declaring “just how momentous” the debate “will be” as if its HUGE significance were a well-established fact of reason.[5] The opinion and its underlying judgment were grossly incorrect; the race between Harris and Trump remained a toss-up.

Why the preposterous hyperbole? Journalistic marketing. It is in the media’s financial (and personal) self-interest that the “must-see faceoff” be watched by as many viewers as possible.[6] Besides the questionable ethics of overselling a debate as a momentous, even historical event, and especially if fabrication is involved, lying in doing so, negative implications could be ripple through the electoral system. To the extent that debates are entertaining “tit for tats” rather than informative on policy positions and rationales (i.e., making the underlying values explicit and perhaps even debating them!), building a societal political norm wherein one is supposed to vote on the basis of who the voter thinks won the debate can undermine the credibility of popular sovereignty (i.e., the People’s power in voting) as the basis or bedrock of representative democracy in a republic. Additionally, given the obscenely long duration of modern presidential campaigns in the U.S., hyping each event along the way as if it will be decisive can exhaust voters and turn some off completely. Take for instance the Christmas season, which seems to get longer every year. By Christmas Day, I wouldn’t be surprised if many people are more than ready to turn off the Christmas music and go to a movie in ordinary time. Imagine if every weekend between Halloween and Christmas, people are told that it is a must-celebrate (and must shop) weekend. You don’t want to miss out on the Christmas spirit! By Christmas Eve, it might be time for a nap. By election day, it might be a time for gratitude that the thing is finally over.


1. Stephen Collinson, “Harris Braces for the Most Critical Moment of her Political Career at Debate with Trump,” CNN.com, September 10, 2024. Although the empirical study’s data came from Europe, many American political analysts have reached the same conclusion regarding the American presidency.
2. Joe Edwards, “Trump Was So Bad’: Fox News Voter Panel Declares Harris Debate Winner,” Newsweek, September 11, 2024.
3. Phillip Elliott, “Trump Spent the Debate Walking into Traps Harris Laid for Him,” Time, September 10, 2024.
4. Costin Ciobanu, “Do Presidential Debates Matter? Evidence from an Eastern European Context,” Paper presented at the ECPR General Conference, Oslo, 06-09 September, 2017.
5. Brakkton Booker, “It’s a Historic Debate Tonight. No One Really Wants to Talk about It,” Politico, September 10, 2024.
6. Ibid.

Hungary’s Delusion of Sovereignty

On October 3, 2024, The European Commission, the E.U.’s executive branch, filed a legal complaint against the E.U. state of Hungary with the E.U.’s judicial branch—the high court of which being the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The Commission had won a case against the state and recently subtracted the amount of fine issued by the court from the federal money set to go to the state because the Hungarian government was refusing to recognize the verdict. Like Britain before it had seceded from the Union, Hungary was operating under the incorrect premise that it still enjoyed full sovereignty even though every state delegates some of its governmental sovereignty to the Union in becoming a state thereof. In the case of Hungary, the state law at issue in 2024 had in its very name the fundamental problem out of which the state’s disputes with the E.U. were emanating.

 In its written statement, the Commission describes Hungary’s “contentious act,” which “establishes the so-called Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) to investigate people and organizations suspected of undermining the country’s ‘national sovereignty’ and ‘constitutional identity.’”[1] Assisted by the state’s secret police, the SPO could legally “collect information on individuals or groups that receive funding from abroad and are perceived to influence the democratic debate and electoral processes ‘in the interest of another state’ or ‘foreign organ,’ meaning a non-state actor.[2] Undue political influence from outside the E.U. state could presumably come from another state in the Union or from outside of it. Treating both the same involves making the dubious claim that for one state or people therein to buy political advertising or contribute to a political campaign in another state is anti-democratic.

Furthermore, that such interstate political influence somehow violates Hungary’s sovereignty ignores the fact that every state in the Union has given up some governmental sovereignty even just for qualified majority voting to be allowed at the federal level in the Parliament, the European Council, and the Council of the European Union. Only if every E.U. law, directive, and regulation required the unanimous consent of the state governments, which could legally ignore rulings by the ECJ would the Union be composed of sovereign states, such as the U.S. was under its initial Articles of Confederation from 1777 to 1789.

The claim of Hungary’s government that its sovereignty is violated by political influence from elsewhere in the Union can be answered by pointing out that the state is no longer in fact sovereign anyway because it is in a Union whose federal system rests on dual-sovereignty. Put another way, the states have consolidated politically to an extent for their common good, which includes being able to have more political weight in the world, so interstate political influence can be viewed as part of that intermingling that is actually a good thing for such a federal system. If states are too heterogenous (i.e., different), then achieving united action at the federal level is very difficult. The combined sovereignties that instantiate federal sovereignty is actually partly Hungary’s, so interstate influence does not necessarily violate Hungary’s sovereignty.

Back in February of 2024, the Commission cited “the principle of democracy, the right to private life, the protection of personal data, freedom of expression, information and association, and the presumption of innocence, among others,” as being violated by the state of Hungary presumably because they threaten the state government’s sovereignty.[3] More accurately, they may have been a threat to Viktor Orbán’s party remaining in power in Hungary. The principles of liberty and democracy that the Commission was arguing that the Hungarian government was violating can be viewed as competencies, or domains of authority, that both federal and state governmental institutions could legally act on. Put another way, the Commission was well within its rights to protect democracy at the state level. In the U.S., the executive branch had acted to protect democracy at the state level, as in enforcing civil rights with regard to the access of Black people to schools and voting. Alabama could hardly say that its sovereignty was being violated because the federal institutions had the authority to enforce democracy in the United States.

The very name of Hungary’s Sovereignty Protection Office is wrong, for the state had delegated some of its sovereignty when it joined the European Union. Just days after the Commission announced that it was taking the state of Hungary to court at the federal level (i.e., at the ECJ), the Hungarian trade minister voted no in a vote taken at the Council of the EU on whether the EU should put tarriffs on Chinese electric vehicles. Had the measure passed the Council, Hungary would have had to recognize the tarriffs as valid within the state. This alone means that Hungary had given up some governmental sovereignty when it acceded to the E.U. as a state.  As it happened, too many votes were abstentions, so there was no final vote either way. So the Commission used its exclusive authority, or competency, in commercial law and policy to enact the tarriffs.  So it is not just qualified majority voting in which the E.U.'s state governments were no longer fully sovereign states. That the E.U. has shared and exclusive competencies, or domains in which it can enact laws and regulations, means that the state governments no longer were fully sovereign. Hungary's "National Sovereignty Law" was thus not only contrary to a basic EU value (and norm), but also a misnomer that gives people the wrong idea concerning Hungary in the E.U. 

To pretend to be sovereign still, such as by ignoring a negative verdict by the ECJ, undermines the sovereignty that Hungary and the other states delegated to the Union, and thus in a way their own sovereignty too because the state governments play a significant role at the federal level not only in the European Council and the Council of the E.U., but also in nominating commissioners for the College in the Commission. In this respect, the state government of Hungary was compromising a part of its sovereignty—that which had been combined with parts of the respective sovereignties of the other states. By making interstate political influence illegal in Hungary, Orbán failed to recognize that the sovereignty at the federal-level has a legitimate interest in there being at least some interstate harmonization, and legally includes protection of the basic values of the Union, such as democracy and liberty. If as I suspect he believed that Hungary was still fully sovereign as a country, then it had no business being a state in the European Union. Britain seceded for this reason—David Cameron, as prime minister, had said that the E.U. was just one of the networks that the UK was in. Similarly, Orbán’s Sovereignty Protection Office explicitly belies or undermines Hungary’s claim to be a state in the Union of states. The Union would be better off without that internal contradiction.


1. Jorge Liboreiro, “Brussels Takes Hungary to Court over Its Controversial ‘National Sovereignty’ Law,” Euronews.com, October 3, 2024.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.