Friday, April 24, 2020

Do Police Departments Unwittingly Attract an Aggressive Mentality?

Might the personality type most excited by inflicting pain on others be drawn to “serve” on a police force?  Might force itself be an allurement to such a personality? Moreover, might organizations populated by the personality be inclined to set up defenses against being held accountable either internally or by other organizations? At the very least, deference ought to go to the victims rather than the “officers.”
The New York City police department and the district attorney’s office set investigations in motion after video surfaced of Anthony Bologna of the police department using pepper spray against protesters of Wall Street greed and the lack of accountability there. Even as the department’s own investigation was yet to commence, the chief publically questioned whether the video offered enough context to evaluate the inspector’s actions. To the chief, merely protesting in a way that blocked traffic justifies the use of pepper spray without warning. The inspector’s union boss claimed the motive had been to restore order—though the video shows that the victims were not disorderly or resisting arrest. Indeed, the police did not attempt to arrest those sprayed. It is not difficult to see where the police investigation of its own will go.
Beyond the hypocrisy involved in those sworn to protect actually attacking and the anti-Americanism involved in trying to curtail a protest, it might reasonably be asked whether Bologna was acting on his own, or whether Wall Street money was ultimately behind the aggression. In the protest’s first four days, the mega media companies scarcely covered the protest; Bologna’s unprovoked aggression came after the news networks could no longer viably ignore the movement. So was the case simply that of American banks using the police state to keep a movement from spreading to their detriment? Were there actual accountability on Bologna, might the bird sing, affording us some transparency concerning any such hidden relationships?
Even if no such conspiracy existed, there is obviously a need for stronger instruments of accountability that could be imposed externally on police departments and their employees. In the wake of Bologna’s attacks, the media reported that such incidents are not uncommon. Indeed, I have witnessed them. While in Pittsburgh, for example, I witnessed how the police treated black teenagers who were simply walking along the sidewalks in the university area of town (Oakland). It was evident to me at the time (as a bystander leaving a restaurant) that the police employees believed they did not face any meaningful accountability. So I was not surprised to see video surface of Anthony Bologna’s sadism on full display in New York.
Thomas Hobbes writes that in the state of nature, and even in society, each person has the right to protect his or her person, as per the right of self-preservation. A sovereign cannot take this inalienable right away. When Bologna acted outside of the law, and thus outside of the social contract, his victims had the right to defend themselves, even in using pepper spray against the attacker. In other words, Bologna could and should have been treated as a criminal attacker by his victims and bystanders. Perhaps in the future protestors ought to carry pepper spray in case any criminals show up and attempt any aggressive attacks. It could be that the offending attackers are imprisoned while the self-preserving protestors are exonerated. Then maybe police departments will recognize that accountability applied to their own employees is in the departments’ interest. Legitimate force goes only so far before it lapses into criminality, and we all have an obligation as citizens to thwart crime as it is happening by whomever. If police employees do not want other citizens to be put in the position of making this judgment, then perhaps those employees might want to reassess their attitude and habits. In the meantime, citizens need to be on guard against criminals even and especially where they are least expected and perhaps most commonly found.


Source:

Al Baker and Joseph Goldstein, “Officer’s Pepper-Spraying of Protesters Is Under Investigation,” New York Times, September 29, 2011. 

Putin’s Pals: Billionaire Junkies

Arkady Rotenberg, a former judo coach, became a billionaire industrialist by selling pipe to the state-owned gas monopoly, Gazprom. Meanwhile, owning a minority state in a small bank in St. Petersburg that won control of another of Gazprom subsidiaries, Yuri Kovalchuk gained a net worth of $1.5 billion. Gennady Timchenko, “once the little-known sales manager of a local oil refinery,” went on to become one of the richest men in the world by co-owning “a commodity trading company that moves about $70 billion of crude oil a year, much of it through major contracts with Rosneft, the Russian national oil company.” What these billionaires shared besides getting rich was a certain connection—namely to Vladimir Putin.

                           Vladimir Putin arrives for a campaign rally in Moscow.  Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

The New York Times stated that “these relationships are evidence of deeply entrenched corruption.” Critics view the billionaires as examples of what was essentially government-sanctioned theft connected to Russia’s abundant natural resources. “The basic point is that these guys have benefited and made their fortunes through deals which involved state-controlled companies, which were operating under the direct control of government and the president,” said Vladimir Milov, a former deputy energy minister who turned into an opposition leader. For his part, Putin denied any role in enriching his friends into billionaires. He also denied involvement in their project to build him a “palace” on the Black Sea—a “sprawling resort complex” costing as much as $1 billion. Even so, Sergei Kolesnikov, one of Putin’s former associates from St. Petersburg, fled Russia with a trove of documents that support the contention that Putin was connected to the resort being built for him. Kolesnikov has also described other business dealings in which money had been funneled, often as loans, to businesses controlled by Putin’s friends or relatives.
According to the New York Times, the dealings between Putin and his acquaintances would likely come under even more scrutiny with the growth of the opposition and its increased pressure for governmental reforms. At the same time—just before the Russian presidential election in March 2012—the Western media was reporting that Putin was almost certain to win the election even in spite of the huge protests. Even though this could simply mean that conservatives across Russia greatly outnumber the protesters, I suspect that the election of a man amid such documented corruption says something more generally about the strength of accountability in a democracy.
Meanwhile in the U.S., The Huffington Post was running a headline saying that people who invest in SuperPacs for Mitt Romney could see their “investments” in him pay off handsomely. As the story went, a campaign contribution buys the ability to get the office-holder’s ear (or that of an aide). The examples of new wealth in Russia conveniently connected to Putin suggests that much more was involved in the return on investment. Neither Putin nor Romney seemed hurt by the (at the very least) unseemly mix of contributors or connections already having benefitted or expecting huge “dividends.” In Romney’s case, his close ties with Wall Street both personally and in business as well as political contributions did not seem to bother many people even though Wall Street had been culpable in the financial crisis of 2008. It is enough, it seems, to be a pretty boy with connections in the establishment; the lack of ideological substance, or vision, in a candidate-fixated electoral culture enables such candidates. Their support becomes a self-fulfilling prophesy, with well-connected backers in it with the expectation of a huge economic payoff.
The real culprit, I’m afraid, is neither Putin nor Romney. Rather, it may go back to the premise of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson that a viable republic depends on an educated and virtuous self-governing citizenry—that is to say, an electorate that is not easily manipulated or hoodwinked. How Putin could be poised to win even on the first round in spite of the corruption, and how the Republican Party establishment (rather than the rank and file) could manage the primaries with the Wall Street candidate being favored so soon after 2008 suggests to me that democracy is either weak or deeply flawed—conveniently tilted to the establishment rather than the people. Yet it could also be that too many voters, both Russian and American, vote as though the three blind men in the opening of James Bond’s Dr. No. I suspect the tilting toward the “men on top” dovetails with an enabling electorate, and this in turn provides a default wherein corruption is the norm. In other words, the corrupt are too ensconced—too comfortable as they know they are beyond being touched.
Beyond giving business ethics a bad name, the Putin billionaires, the Romney contributors from Wall Street reflect badly on democracy because they take advantage of its lapses in accountability. Ultimately, We the People could do much better were we to get off our sofas, turn off the remotes, and vote the bastards out and put in people who would go after the connections and bad businesses that have been enabled for far too long. This would undoubtedly take more than one election cycle of replacements before those in power get the message that maintaining the status quo is no longer sufficient. Yet even as I write these lines, I can feel the weight of the status quo bearing down on me. I can sense the herd-like mentality of the vast majority of the voters in any country continuing to chew the cud even if they do happen to hear bits and pieces on how established connections enrich themselves and even attack other people with impunity.

Source:
Andrew Kramer and David Herszenhorn, “Midas Touch in St. Petersburg: Friends of Putin GlowBrightly,” The New York Times, March 2, 2012.

Monday, April 20, 2020

Major Cracks in Human Resources and Management in the American Grocery Industry Made Transparent during the Coronavirus Pandemic

For a certain personality-type, character, or mentality, it is easy to blame other people while remaining silent on one’s own mistakes (and mentality). This approach can be particularly harmful during a pandemic, for one’s own mistakes could be passing on the infectious illness. Such mistakes include refusing to maintain a physical distance from other people in public places and retail stores. As noxious as the blaming is, a more significant anthropological point may be that as a social and habitual animal, the human being may not be mentally advanced enough to keep a distance from other such animals even for self-preservation. I don’t think the instinctual urge for socializing exhausts the explanation, for the failure (and even refusal) to respect others enough to keep at a distance even when they ask surely involves weakness that manifests psychologically beyond merely having a bad attitude. Not even the artificial organizational-management systems our species has established are a match for the toxicity of a weakness that is even just passively aggressive toward other people. I contend that American management is susceptible to an even more severe weakness; one that foists organizational power as a club even on customers. 

In mid-April, 2020, in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, “some worker experts, union leaders and small grocery store owners” were claiming that it had “become too dangerous to let customers browse aisles, coming into close range with workers.”[1] The president of the United Food and Commercial Workers’ union pointed to “careless customers” as “probably the biggest threat” to the workers.[2] According to that union, “85% of its grocery store member workers reported that customers” were not literally going even a bit out of their way to maintain a physical distance from other shoppers and employees.[3] With supermarkets struggling to convince customers to wear masks, the union's president also said that he was urging grocery stores to make masks mandatory not only for employees, but also customers. "Everyone must wear masks," he insisted. [4] Too many customers were endangering lives. Wearing a surgical or handmade mask could not prevent the virus from being inhaled; rather, such a mask prevents the mask wearer from sneezing or coughing near another person, increasing the likelihood of infecting him or her (infection could also result from breathing regardless of whether masks are being worn). In other words, wearing a mask protects other people, so not wearing one does not indicate a weakened motive of self-preservation, but, rather, a lack of consideration and even empathy for other people. It is quite selfish, as is walking or standing by another person. 

From my own experience in several Albertsons, Kroger, Target, and Sprouts stores in Phoenix, Arizona, I saw the vast majority of customers—perhaps all of them—fitting within the union’s statistic on the lack of physical distancing. 

This customer headed directly toward me. I asked him to maintain a distance and reminded him that the aisle is one-way due to the pandemic. He showed disgust, but turned around. Disgust at me, rather than recognition that he was in the wrong. Presumptuousness on top of not being responsible. 

                                                    

                                                            



In fact, I encountered a few customers who verbally lashed out at me for asking them to keep a distance due to the pandemic as they were about to closely approach me and thus blatantly dismiss the two-carts-apart policy of the stores. In one case, the Albertsons  (Safeway) store manager was very near and yet in spite of having witnessed the violation, he refused to chastise the customer not only for violating the store’s policy of “social” distancing, but also being verbally aggressive toward me. “I think we should just let it go,” the manager told me as I looked at him in utter astonishment.


At another Safeway store, a customer headed directly at me and refused to back up, even to let me back to the products where I had been. Then he assaulted me by slamming my cart until it blocked the aisle. The sordid Phoenix police, whom I asked be called, turned it on me. I had assaulted the customer by blocking the aisle! The contrarian attitude of the seven or eight police who responded to my initiated call was as obvious as their confrontational postures toward the victim--me!

In fact, I had not seen one employee or manager of a grocery store bother to enforce the policy of “social” distancing since the U.S. Center of Disease Control issued guidelines and the Arizona government issued an order to maintain a physical distance of six feet from other people unless necessary. With regard to the masks, and I submit on the distancing too, stores generally were "reluctant to antagonize customers by turning them away."[5] According to a Wegman's spokesperson, the chain wanted to minimize "the likelihood of conflicts in our stores" and would "not put our people in the position of having to deny entry to our stores," even in states where masks in public settings are required.[6] In other words, the company's management was not even willing to conform to government orders. I saw the same refusal at Albertsons, Kroger, and Sprouts stores in Arizona. In Los Angeles in neighboring California, customers had to wear masks or coverings in stores, but Kroger (Ralphs) was not enforcing the government order. In fact, a store manager reprimanded an employee for having asked a customer to wear a mask. "I was told that it was none of my business and that I was not the mask police," the employee later reported.[7] She was being quite reasonable in wanting to protect herself. 

At the time, New Jersey, Maryland, New York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Hawaii, Miami (Florida) Austin (Texas), Washington, D.C. and some others had orders mandating that grocery shoppers wear face coverings or masks in the stores, yet no penalties go to noncomplying customers or stores. Only a handful of smaller grocers in the U.S. were requiring customers to wear masks. The medium and large companies, however, were putting expediency on revenue before the safety of two major stakeholders: the employees and customers. 

Such stakeholder management is unethical because it prioritizes company gain even at a time when the business was good before the very lives of others. Yes, even employees can be thought of as others to a company's management that is oriented to the company's profits and executive bonuses. Utilitarianism is violated because the greatest good is not provided to the greatest number (of people). Even were a major chain to risk going out of business by enforcing physical distance and mask-wearing on customers, the industry was too important during the pandemic not to get money from the U.S. Government. So the executives' mindset was one of selfish enrichment over consideration and even empathy for others who could suffer greatly and even die as a result. Hume's theory of moral sentiment has it that the sentiment of moral disapprobation that people would naturally feel looking at the sordid refusals to enforce even government orders is the moral judgment against the companies. Kant would point out that the executives (and store managers) were not treating those put at risk as not just means, but also as ends in themselves (for they are rational beings worthy of intrinsic value). 

To be sure, I had seen plenty of employees and even store managers violating their own company's policy on physical distancing both between themselves and as inflicted on customers through callious disregard. Such behavior is also unethical.

For example, a store manager of a Sprouts store, whose nitch was supposedly still healthy foods, stood just behind an employee who could not wait a few seconds until I would emerge from the narrow hallway from the bathrooms to enter without passing me at close range. “He tried,” the manager said when I asked the manager why he was not enforcing his store policy (and CDC guideline) on his own employees. As I pivoted to exit the store, I glanced around to see another employee come up right behind me to grab something, with of course her manager looking on. 

The next week, while I was waiting outside far to the left of the entry to the same store, I asked an oncoming employee to keep a distance as she passed by. She did not alter her course. She even hurled insults at me, including, “Maybe you should bring a ruler.” She then said to a customer, who also thought my request had been unreasonable, “There is something wrong with customers who ask me to keep a distance. I get thirty customers everyday asking me to keep a distance.” One implication is that she had not been maintaining physical distance much at all in the store, which implies that the store manager was not enforcing the policy on his employees. This inference is consistent with my observations by then of employees at several Kroger (Frys) and Albertsons (Safeway) grocery stores in Phoenix, Arizona. 


This Kroger (Frys) store manager was not even maintaining a distance from an employee even in just talking. How could it be expected that the manager was enforcing the policy on his employees given that he was not enforcing it on himself?

This Albertsons (Safeway) department head and employee walked close by me twice without a thought between them on the risk they were posing to a customer. 

This Kroger (Frys) employee, who worked at the self-check-out stations (and thus close to customers), lied to me that she had tried to keep a distance from me in an aisle. Walking on the other side of the pillar at the end of the aisle would have counted as trying. 

The Albertsons (Safeway) employee on the left had been even closer to the other employee's face in passing close by before stopping to talk. Two-cart-lengths distance was the store policy and Arizona's guideline.

Not once did I see an employee even move to the other side of an aisle in passing a customer. Not once did I see an employee bother to move out of the way to give a customer some distance. “I’m trying,” one employee told me even though she had not even bothered to move from the center of an aisle when she passed me. I, however, was hugging the other side. I held back from replying, “You’re not trying enough.” I don’t think she was trying at all. She was lying. In general, I had the sense that employees thought it was rude for customers to ask that the store policy be followed. At the very least, employees didn’t want to follow the policy, and their managers were not enforcing it. Even cashiers managed to evade the clear plastic screen between them and the customers checking out. I was speechless when a cashier moved her head around the plastic to hear me better at close range. Apparently she didn't think there was a pandemic going around. Perhaps her store manager had believed that scant training was sufficient for the employees. 

  
The upper sign asks customers not to talk to employees around the edges of the plastic that covers most of the desk area.


The plastic screens at Kroger (Frys) grocery check-out stations are too narrow because the plastic does not cover the area where customers pay even though the distance from the cashier is close. Also, the area at which customers spend considerable time unloading carts and waiting is also too close to the cashier to be unprotected by the plastic. 

This video demonstrates that the plastic screens at check-out are insufficiently narrow because they do not cover the area between the cashier and customer during the payment phase. Even though I told the cashier that she was too close to me, she did not back off while I was paying. Instead, she chastized me for pushing a wrong button on the keypad. "We could be infecting eachother right now," I said. "I know," she replied. 

Even so, as I was taking a photo of the sign ironically just behind her station, the cashier backed away from the next customer as she paid. The cashier was staring at me to present the illusion that she was following the guideline of "social" distancing. I wish she had been less social with me.

Therefore, it would be one-sided to conclude that employees needed more protection from customers because customers also needed protection even though managers and even employees themselves in some cases felt free to inflict on customers asking for such protection. Even more so than refusing to enforce policies and even government orders, aggressively blaming the victim is not a viable long-term strategy for retaining good customers and minimizing the number of bad employees. 

The thought of Friedrich Nietzsche, a nineteenth-century European moral philosopher, anthropologist, and philologist, is useful in providing a deeper explanation. He would say that both the employees and customers were behaving like herd animals too weak to master their base instinctual urges, including selfishness, greed, and the desire to aggressively lash out at other people. Selfishness out of weakness is not necessarily in line with furthering self-preservation; ignoring the physical-distancing policies and guidelines ran contrary to the egoist urge of self-preservation. 

The industry needed ethical leaders willing to go beyond what is convenient and expedient for the companies. Even the head of at least one major labor union sought to blame customers while looking the other way on the sordid lack of regard that at least some members were displaying for customers. Only a child would say, "I won't step out of my way in the least," and then, if caught, lie, "I tried" as the lack of effort had somehow not been noticeable. 

Nor were any of the store managers in the stores that I surveyed leaders, for they were not strong enough to enforce the health guideline and store policy even on employees. Nietzsche would explain those managers as herd animals with an extended urge to dominate without the requisite strength.[8] The indictment, therefore, exposed during the coronavirus pandemic in the United States, is that retail-level managers may not be strong enough to manage stores. Generalizing so from my unscientific sample can of course only be taken as a rough-draft yet to be verified. That I saw the same pattern in every store gives me confidence that I am correct, but here I am on more solid ground in relating my observations to Nietzsche's psychological-anthropological theory. 

According to that theory, the herd animals who cannot resist their urges to dominate even without being strong enough compensate through aggression, including intending to be cruel. In contrast, a strong conqueror does not intend to be cruel, but is instead oriented to overcoming both external and internal obstacles.
 
So I was not completely surprised when an assistant manager with an employee of a Kroger (Frys) store in Phoenix, Arizona stalked me around the store because I had photographed the store manager talking at close distance with one of his employees, an employee who had refused to keep a distance from me, and a customer who had mindlessly come up to me like a herd animal moving on to the next clump of grass. These people, even the manager, violated the store policy (and CDC and state guidelines) on maintaining a physical distance from other people. Neither man was wearing a mask. Had they been more clever, they might have combined their two infractions by walking up to me and sneezing or coughing. 

The (assistant) manager not only felt the need to be confrontational and insulting toward me in a way that indicated that he really wanted to attack a customer, but also missed an opportunity to hear from a customer with proof that the store's employees were serially violating the store's policy on physical distancing--even violating a governmental guideline or order on "social distancing." In other words, the head of a large union was wrong in blaming only the customers! 

A self-confident, strong assistant manager (which may be an oxymoron) in the store would have asked me at the time why I had taken pictures instead of accusing me even though he still didn't know for sure and the management had not posted signs prohibiting photography. I would have explained that I had photographed only some infractions in which I was being but in harm's way, and that the company stood to benefit. Several days later, I had chance, impromptu  meeting in the parking lot of an Albertsons (Safeway) store with a woman who works with the county's Environmental Services department. I learned that her department had no clue that the stores were not enforcing the government guidelines on physical distancing. Referring to my earlier experience at Krogers (Frys), she said my photography was justified. "You were collecting evidence!" I had also been holding my phone up as a possible deterrent (i.e., another customer or employee approaching very near would presumably not want to be photographed). 

And yet, the (asst) manager had been accusatory, and in this sense confrontational as if he had already made up his mind that I was guilty. He and his young sidekick employee were in a hunting mode, so I did not feel comfortable bringing my earlier complaints to them. 
The two men left me, or so I first thought, but the sidekick was keeping an eye on me. Both men waited to pounce on me just after I had paid for the groceries. The assistant manager walked fast to me in an aggressive manner and shouted insults at me as if he were a policeman. "I heard from a customer and employee!" he said in a loud, threatening voice without bothering to even consider that the complainers might have been retaliating against me for getting evidence of their wrong-doing. Instead, he was an extension of their self-righteous fury. 

He even shouted at me to leave the store even though I was already outside! That he was motivated to make the demand even when I was walking away, outside the building, suggested to me that he was motivated to lash out at me for its own sake--for the pleasure that comes from even positional power. Tellingly, even though I was pushing the cart into the parking lot, the manager threatened me, "You need to leave or I'm calling the police!" There was at the time a local law against calling the police for frivolous reasons. "But he was already leaving," the police would have told him. 

Because I was obviously leaving, Nietzsche would say that the man (and his sidekick) was weak which is to say, sick. A strong person would have let the matter go when I was paying for the food and leaving the store rather than act out of resentment and an urge to subdue. A strong manager makes a point and then moves on; a weak manager cannot let go--cannot master--his or her pressing institual urges. Such mastery is the richest source of the pleasure than comes from power--far richer than acting out against a customer already leaving the store. 

The (asst) manager's young sidekick had not kept at a physical distance from me twice when we were inside of the store. That he violated the store policy even as he was questioning me as if he were a detective demonstrates weakness primping itself into dominating inspite of itself. In fact, the seccond time he had come close, I positioned my cart between him and myself (two cart-lengths was the policy, as per the recurring announcement that he presumably had heard often enough). He was stunned that I would protect myself, such was his feeling of entitlement. 


Major cracks in Kroger's human resources and store management occasion smaller cracks in customer's "loyalty" cards.

Nietzsche urges the strong to keep a distance, a pathos of distance, from the weak. If you go to a hospital, you risk getting infected by the sick. So don't hang out in hospitals. Unfortunately, I did not practice enough social distancing from the weak yet aggressive birds of prey at a Kroger Frys store in Phoenix even though the pandemic there had rendered the weakness suddenly blatantly transparent. It is tempting to engage with the birds of prey, but it is a trap, for they lure stronger people in, perhaps out of resentment for the inner weakness that the weak sense, in order not to conquer but instead to inflict. Such invisible birds of prey are infectious in that even the healthy can be beguiled into going down to the birds' acrimonious level. Nietzsche's writing style, which I am reflecting in this paragraph, certainly does not mince words; both the herd animals and those from within who dominate the herd and beguile the strong to dominate them too are sick.  

Physical distancing can thus be distinguished from social distancing; the former is advisable during an infectious pandemic and both kinds of distancing are recommended for a person who is confronted by weak, confrontational (and even aggressive) retail employees and managers. 

To be sure, not all retail employees and managers are weak, but that restless birds of prey survive in retail stores reflects badly on retail companies, including their internal accountability. Put another way, without empirical studies in the stores, it is not possible to know the percentage of workers and managers who have been infected or are innately sick--the weak cannot be but weak, and the strong cannot be other than strong. Yet the severity of the sickness suggests that the company or even the industry is unduly susceptible to the weakness and its being able to even beguile the strong into being dominated in fear. Put another way, the behavior can violate customer service so deeply that the presence of a kind of brain sickness can be inferred. 
The sheer extreme to which the Kroger (asst) store manager and his young sidekick allowed themselves to go in verbally attacking me as I walking toward the main door and even outside of the store, without instead asking why I had used my phone to record the lack of physical distancing in the store by customers, employees, and even a manager, demonstrated to me at least that something was wrong with the two men. They wanted to go beyond insults to be cruel in their aggressive walking after me, scolding me, and threatening me. 

The young sidekick's bizarre behavior was also a red flag concerning his underlying sickness (and mentality). Outside of the store, as I was heading into the parking area, he loudly threatened me, "Taking pictures on private property is Very illegal!" Then he immediately (and fakely) repeatedly thanked me for shopping there! Did he then think he had exercised good customer service? 

He obviously thought he knew the law, as did his boss, even though the company had posted no signs prohibiting photography and I had not used my phone-camera after the two men had initially accosted me in the store (they lied that a customer had complained, hiding that an employee had also complained). Also, as the employee of the county's Environmental Services department later told me, I was not breaking any law recording evidence. Of course, the sidekick would doubtlessly have declared that such taping is illegal! Perhaps I should have called his bluff. In hindsight, I wish I had taped the (asst) manager and his sidekick shouting at me from the check-out area to the parking area. Evidence! Perhaps it was out of fear of this that the manager threatened that he would call the police even though I was leaving anyway. At the time, I didn't want to trigger the aggressive birds beaming down from their perches. In actuality, the customers should be on perches!

It is interesting that an employee and customer who were violating the store policy (and government guidelines) on physical distancing  decided to retaliate against me by reporting on me rather than cease their problematic, and perhaps even dangerous, inconsiderate conduct. I held my phone up in part to dissuade them from continuing to proceed so closely to me (I also asked them, but they refused), but to no avail. They were oblivious to what they were doing, but not to what I was doing. I submit that they felt resentment--ressentiment--rather than remorse; they lashed out, rather than offered even just an apology.  They would thus be likely to continue their risky behavior. 

I contend that the mentality was by 2020 so ingrained in Arizona that the government's guidelines on physical distancing were insufficient, given the people there. Even an order would have had to be enforced by law enforcement, especially as the stores were not willing to enforce even their own policies on wearing masks because doing so could compromise earnings. 

The mentality was so prevalent among the general public (notably in the middle and lower economic classes) in at least Tucson and the Phoenix metropolitan area that aggressiveness toward strangers was very apparent to people new to Arizona. "The people here are mean as rattlesnakes," one person told me. The people native to Arizona have blamed people coming in from other U.S. states, but even such convenient deflection is actually part of the culture in the state where cacti prick. In fact, culture-shock in moving to a major city in Arizona includes adjusting to the obvious "police state" mentality, wherein security guards and the police easily partake of the excess aggression. Overly, and I suspect intentionally visible security guards even standing next to an off-duty police employee were not uncommon at Albertsons (Frys) stores in Phoenix. As this was not the case at other grocery chains there, I submit that desire to intimidate customers is a revealing part of Albertsons' corporate culture in Arizona. That is, the company's culture there reflected the societal culture.  


A security guard stands in a confrontational stance at an Albertsons (Frys) store in Phoenix, Arizona. 

The (assistant) manager and his sidekick were clearly at home in such a societal and corporate culture. At the store level at least, it was permissible to intimidate customers by an excessive show of even police force on a routine basis and verbally and physically harass customers. It is not the sort of company culture that would be conducive to managers and employees mastering their sordid instinctual urge of aggression. The instinct to be considerate towards other people, on the other hand, would not receive its due respect. 

In being so motivated to be unnecessarily aggressive toward me because an employee had complained, the (asst) manager was enabling the employee's sick game. Two birds of a feather fly together, Nietzsche would say. The healthy cannot be blamed for cutting up their store cards in order to maintain a pathos of distance from the sick. Strength can only be frustrated by weakness. This is the epitomy of the sickness that Nietzsche describes in his texts.  

So in proclaiming the law as if he could not be wrong about it and assuming that customers should know that the company prohibits photography without being told or seeing any signs posted, the sidekick not only demonstrated his ignorance, but also lashed out at me. At the very least, this anadote strongly suggests that retail is susceptible to weakness wanting to dominate even the people to be served. In fact, the managerial role itself may be susceptible as control is so salient.[9]

In the Kroger store, two birds of prey flied too close to me, literally circling me and hovering within the store and pursuing me as if I were their prey outside, as they smelled an opportunity to eke out a bit of pleasure from inflicting repressed ire (sourced in self-resentment, which is deeper than the resentment against the strong) on a customer. Customers conveniently look weaker to faint, greedy eyes from the birds' soiled perches. I regret not having photographed the birds so you too could be astonished at the severity of the sickness of the weak, but I promise the manager and his sidekick were nothing to look at. 


[1] Nathaniel Meyersohn, “Experts Say It May Be Time for Grocery Stores to Ban Customers from Coming Inside,” CNN.com, April 19, 2020 (accessed same day).
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Nathaniel Meyersohn, "Stores Want Shoppers to Wear Masks. But Some Customers Refuse," CNN.com, April 23, 2020.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Skip Worden, On the Arrogance of False Entitlement: A Nietzschean Critique of Business Ethics and Management.
[9] Ibid.


Tuesday, April 14, 2020

Post-Pandemic Plans in the U.S. through the Lenses of Federalism

I take it as a basic maxim of federalism that problems infecting the entire federal geography uniformly are best tackled by the federal government, with the involvement of the polities (governments) within the federation being in sync with the federal mandates. Problems that plague some polities while barely leaving a scratch on other polities within the federation are best solved by the individual polities because their situations differ appreciably. The federal government’s role would be more about coordination than setting one size that fits all. Federalism is especially beneficial at the empire-scale, which the U.S.S.R., Russia, India, China, the United States and the European Union have, because the large geographical size tends to be diverse, or heterogeneous, within, whereas the smaller republics, provinces, or states within tend not to be so large as to have such striking differences. Hence, the cultural differences between Bavaria and Bremen are dwarfed by the differences between Germany and Greece, and the differences between Northern and Southern Illinois are dwarfed by the differences between Illinois and Texas. So it is only natural, I submit, that U.S. and E.U. state governments took the lead in combating the coronavirus pandemic because it was a much more serious problem in some states than others.[1]

In the E.U., initiatives by the state governments to open their respective economies did not face an assumption of a monopoly of power by the president of the European Commission, whereas in the U.S., the federal president came down hard on state governments even just announcing that they had devised plans without timetables to reopen. When on April 14, 2020 the Austrian government allowed small businesses to reopen (albeit with physical-distance requirements still in place), the heads of the California, Connecticut, and New York governments were pushing back against the federal president’s claim to have the sole power to open up the American economy.

A day earlier, on April 13, 2020, the governments of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts had announced that they had a coordinated plan to reopen all of those economies at the same time when the medical conditions in those states warranted doing so. California, Oregon, and Washington also announced that they had their own respective plans (without a timetable), but had agreed on some criteria to have in common. Even the two clumps of states on two coasts of a continent differed in terms of interconnectedness, so the eastern group would more strictly coordinate reopening the economies than would the west-coast group. Federalism can thus accommodate even differences between clusters of states!

California had managed the contagion so well that its government was well justified, I submit, in drawing up a plan to suit its own situation rather than to wait on a federal plan that would presumably hinge on all of the states being out of danger. Because the states’ respective situations differed at the time (New Orleans in Louisiana was particularly sick at the time), it made sense that the decisions would be made at the state rather than the federal level. Due to the small size and interconnectedness of some of the states in the northeast, it made sense that the governments would coordinate.

In contrast (and still from the standpoint of federal theory), it was not wise of the federal president to insist that the governments within the Union could do nothing in opening up their respective economies without his approval. Responding to the plans just announced, President Trump said, “When somebody’s president of the United States, the authority is total. And that the way it’s got to be. It’s total. It’s total. And the governors know that.”[2] His stance sounds a bit like federal preemption on steroids. In other words, he was refusing to allow federalism to work. More specifically, he was refusing to allow federalism to operate even though it could proffer its unique benefit.

Were the pandemic pretty much the same in all of the states, including Hawaii and Alaska, then one response would make sense; differential responses would have little benefit from being different and could be less efficient than the proverbial one size that fits all. This would also assume that the economies in the U.S. were similar both in how negatively they had been affected from the shutdown and in how they would bounce back. States like Arizona, Florida, and Hawaii in which the tourism industry made up a significant part of the respective economies, might need to bring their economies back to life before other states, other things (such as the virus) equal. Similarly, governments of industrial states would doubtless look at planting to harvest season. Many variables would be in play in any decision to lift the shutdowns, and even the variables themselves could differ from state to state.

Gavin Newsom, California’s chief executive and head of state, listed the following variables just in what the government would have to be to do by the time the fifth-largest economy in the world opens: “expand testing to identify and isolate the infected, maintain vigilance to protect seniors and high risk individuals, . . . meet future surges in hospitals with a ‘myriad of protective gear,’ continue to collaborate with academia on therapies and treatments, redraw regulations to ensure continued physical distancing at businesses and schools and develop new enforcement mechanisms to allow [California] to pull back and reinstate stay-at-home orders.”[3] Doubtless he also intended to look at many other variables, including how damaging extending the stay-home order would be to the economy. Tourism and agriculture (e.g. wine harvesting) would be two of the variables within the economic rubric. Even so, Newsom emphasized the importance of scientific variables. In other states, as well as at the federal level, economic variables could have the upper hand. Hence, the rationale for having the state level at the forefront, with the federal government playing more of a coordinative function and issuing lowest-common-denominator policies that would set a common floor that fits all of the states’ respective circumstances, takes into account ideological differences on how to weigh science relative to economy. With desperate independent oil producers pushing for a reopening of the Texas economy, the economic variables could be expected to hold sway there. Moreover, the business lobby’s power could be expected to differ relative to other special interests in the States.

A federal-level decision, which would have to be based on a fixed set of variables applied to an empire-scale, would tend to include over-generalizations, or averages that do not match with the statistics of any particular state.  As of the morning of April 12, 2020, for example, 22,105 deaths had been linked to the virus in the United States. It cannot be assumed that these deaths were geographically spread out even proportionately in the U.S., for New York accounted for 10,000 deaths alone. Half of the U.S. population was not living in New York, let alone New York City. Whereas New York’s Andrew Cuomo had warned that New York’s plight would roll across the continent and beyond, and thus that New York’s strict measures would eventually fit every state, some states, like Kansas, North Dakota, and Nebraska, were not much affected by the coronavirus when the federal guidelines went into effect. Those guidelines could make it possible that such states might never reach the severity of New York’s plight.

In short, federalism contains benefits even just from its design that can play a positive role in how governments of and in federal systems managed the coronavirus pandemic. Because the semi-sovereign E.U. states held more sovereignty than did the federal government, it was easy for those states to enact uniquely fitting policies without a heavy, squashing hand from Brussels. The U.S. states, whose actual sovereignty was much less than that of the U.S. government, were surprisingly able to take the lead in issuing guidelines and orders, but the asymmetry of power kicked in when some states continued on to announce plans for reopening even though no timetables were included. Of course, the risk to the E.U. was that guidelines or orders issued by state governments could give rise to interstate conflicts or detract from the good of the whole (i.e., Europe). Ideally, a federal system contains a balance of power so both universal and particular needs are accommodated.



1. I don’t feel the need to look smart by using the particular scientific name, covid-19, especially when coronavirus is sufficient for readers to understand which virus to which I am referring. As this is not a scientific writing, but is instead a piece oriented to the general educated reader, using a scientific term not only does not fit the genre, but also is less widely known and thus understood.  
2. Jeremy White, “Trump Claims ‘Total Authority’ over State Decisions,” Politico, April 13, 2030.
3. Maeve Reston, “California Governor Outlines Plan to Reopen in Conjunction with West Coast States,” CNN.com, April 14, 2020 (accessed same day).